Hrvatski antiglobalistički pokret
HAP
Hrvatski antiglobalistički pokret

  • Hrvatski antiglobalistički pokret je nova inicijativa koja se bori protiv svih vidova ekonomske globalizacije i kapitalizma - protiv neoliberalizma, NATO-a, EU, MMF-a, WTO-a, Svjetske banke, svih vidova socijalne nepravde i nejednakosti itd. Mislimo globalno, a djelujemo lokalno. Blog, osim tekstova o politici i ekonomiji, donosi i vijesti iz cijelog svijeta kojih nema u srednjostrujaškim hrvatskim medijima.
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Blog - listopad 2008
petak, listopad 31, 2008
31.10.2008

SUDENTI SE MOBILIZIRAJU

Autor: Mašenjka Bačić

Ususret studentskim prosvjedima protiv komercijalizacije Sveučilišta, 5. studenog: Opravdano strahovanje za budućnost financiranja sljedeće godine diplomskih studija, i studija uopće, nagnao je aktivni i osviješteni dio studentske populacije, koji i ovog puta dolazi sa zagrebačkog Filozofskog fakulteta i PMF-a, na ponovnu mobilizaciju svojih kolega u svrhu postizanja standarda koji imaju studenti u zemljama poput Švedske, Finske, Estonije, Irske ili Norveške.
Studenti ponovo ustaju na prosvjede koje ovaj put upućuju Saboru i Vladi s ciljem uvođenja besplatnog visokog obrazovanja i povećanja ulaganja novaca iz državnog proračuna u sektor obrazovanja.

Okupit će se 5.11. u 12 sati ispred zagrebačkog muzeja Mimara odakle će krenuti do Katarininog trga da službenim vlastima pokažu kako nisu zadovoljni njihovim deklarativnim obećanjima u kojima hrvatskim studentima, ali i cijelom društvu, prezentiraju Hrvatsku kao zemlju u kojoj je znanje poželjno i dostupno svakome tko želi, dok u isto vrijeme polako, ali sigurno, tu privilegiju uskraćuju i ograničavaju na krug ne dovoljno sposobnih, već dovoljno imućnih.



S obzirom na činjenicu da je Vlada posljednji prosvjed ugasila brzom i kratkotrajnom mjerom financiranja diplomskih studija za jednu godinu i jednu generaciju (prvu generaciju studenata diplomskih studija 2008/9), opravdano strahovanje za budućnost kako financiranja sljedeće godine diplomskih studija, ali i studija uopće, nagnao je aktivni i osviješteni dio studentske populacije, koji i ovog puta dolazi sa zagrebačkog Filozofskog fakulteta i PMF-a, na ponovnu mobilizaciju svojih kolega u svrhu postizanja standarda koji studenti u zemljama poput Švedske, Finske, Estonije, Irske ili Norveške imaju.

Vlada se tada pohvalila da je izdvojila golemih 78 milijuna kuna, dok se za saborske mirovine izdvaja 55 milijuna kuna godišnje, a za sudjelovanje HV-a u okupaciji Afganistana 250 milijuna kuna godišnje, stoji u priopćenju koje su poslali organizatori prosvjeda. Žureći glavom bez obzira u reformu po uzoru na Bolonjsku deklaraciju, država nije vodila računa o troškovima koje takav proces povlači za sobom kao ni o socijalnoj dimenziji koju ista deklaracija predlaže, a neke europske zemlje i primjenjuju.



Pojedini fakulteti i sveučilišta koji jedva da se mogu nositi s zahtjevima koje traži bolonjski sustav studiranja (od nedostatka stručnog kadra, prostora za izvedbu nastave, tehničke neopremljenosti i sl.) ne opiru se, već i sami zahtjevaju povećanje troškova studiranja u svrhu ostvarenja zadanim ih ciljeva te uvođenja tržišta u visoko obrazovanje. Tako su u svom priopćenju članovi Foruma za etičnost i razvoj znanosti i visokog obrazovanja, inače sveučilišni profesori, u srpnju ministra pozvali na odgovornost između ostalog I zbog nastavljanja trenda javnog financiranja studija u mjeri koja nije niti minimalno prilagođena društvenim, tržišnim i kulturnim potrebama naše zemlje.

Gradeći društvo znanja njegovi kreatori nisu se osvrtali na usputne probleme financiranja tako izdašne mašinerije i umjesto da barem osmisle i pokrenu javne, dio studenata, doduše, financira se iz Ministarstva, a postoje i državne i gradske stipendije, ali to očito nije dovoljno, i privatne sektore stipendiranja studenata, ovo isto ostavili su na teret poreznim obveznicima, odnosno roditeljima studenata od kojih je svake godine manje onih koji si to mogu priuštiti. Sve je to, dakako, opravdano tržišnom konkurencijom u čiji će vrtlog sveučilišta s vremenom ući u svrhu ostvarenja potpune autonomije.

Fakultetsko je obrazovanje nekoć u Hrvatskoj bilo besplatno. Danas gotovo 60 posto studenata plaća svoj studij. Na mala vrata se uvode i povećavaju školarine. Banke nude studentske kredite. Polako krećemo prema američkom sustavu u kojem se za fakultet štedi od djetetova rođenja i gdje studenti nakon završena školovanja još godinama otplaćuju svoje dugove. Od 1991. do 2006. se ukupan broj studenata povećao za 82 posto, dok se broj studenata koji sami (su)financiraju svoj studij povećao za 814 posto! I to sve u zemlji sa samo 7 posto fakultetski obrazovanih. Je li uvođenje i stalno povećavanje školarina način da se poveća broj fakultetski obrazovanih? Ili je to put u novo 'društvo znanja' u kojem će pristup fakultetskom obrazovanju imati samo bogati i oni koji su se spremni baciti u dužničko ropstvo studija radi?, pitaju se zabrinuti organizatori prosvjeda.

Dok se grcaju u problemima organiziranja studija, rektorima sveučilišta i dekanima fakulteta ne preostaje drugo nego da povećanjem školarina i uvođenjem dodatnih penala financijske prirode (plaćanje ispita koji se ne polože na vrijeme) nastoje riješiti svoje probleme i popuniti fakultetske blagajne.



Ipak, neki dekani poput profesora Jurkovića s Filozofskog fakulteta studentima daju potporu. Za to vrijeme ministar Primorac šeće okolo i otvara gradilišta kampusa koji uglavnom ostaju nedovršeni (zagrebačko i splitsko) i ignorira činjenicu da se zaslugama njegovog resora u protekloj godini na ulice organiziralo najviše prosvjeda.

Da uistinu želi bolonjski sustav obrazovanja po uzoru na europske zemlje hrvatska vlast morala bi osigurati mnogo više novaca nego što je to spremna jer naši fakulteti niti su u stanju niti mogu iznijeti taj teret osim ako ne udare po džepu studenata. Oni će zato u srijedu izaći ponovo na ulice, a u kojem broju, to ćemo tek vidjeti.
HAP @ 20:17 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
29.10.2008

Sindikalna 'crna lista'

Autor: Glas Slavonije

Sindikat tekstila uputit će Ministarstvu gospodarstva crnu listu poslodavaca koji krše radnička i ljudska prava kako ti poslodavci ne bi dobili državnu potporu

Resorno ministarstvo prije desetak dana objavilo je natječaj za potpore u iznosu od 100 milijuna kuna za razvoj i jačanje konkurentnosti tekstilne industrije te 29 milijuna kuna

Primjeri za državnu potporu

Tekstilni sindikat navodi i primjere tvrtki, koje prema njihovom mišljenju, ne bi trebale imati problema pri dobivanju državne potpore. To su Kamensko, Borovo, Kotka, Estare Culto (bivši Heruc), đakovački Helson, tvornica čarapa Jadran te požeška Orljava.
za industriju kože i obuće.

Na sindikalnoj crnoj listi poslodavaca nalazi se varaždinski Boxmark Leather, tvrtka koja je u ponedjeljak primila nagradu za ulagača godine što je dodjeljuju Agencija za poticanje izvoza i ulaganja i resorno ministarstvo gospodarstva. Tu je i tvornica obuće Haix iz Čakovca, čiji su se radnici morali ispisati iz sindikata, kao i osječki Benetton čiji kooperanti imaju najslabije plaćene radnike u tekstilnoj industriji, a Uprava izbjegava potpisati kolektivni ugovor.

Osječka Konfekcija, pak, lani je dobila državnu potporu, a vlasnik je tvrtku nakon toga zatvorio i, kako navode u Sindikatu, dugove ostavio radnicima. Tekstilci navode i tvornicu obuće Inkop iz Poznanovca i Iteks iz Iloka, u kojima su se radnici pod pritiskom morali ispisati iz sindikata. Na listi je i MK Pregrada, tvrtka čije vodstvo godinama ne želi sklopiti kolektivni ugovor. Vlasnica i direktorica MK Pregrade Marija Šutina ujedno je predsjednica HUP-ove Granske udruge proizvođača tekstila.

Zgroženi smo što je varaždinski Boxmark Leather dobio nagradu za ulagača godine jer su njegovi radnici slabo plaćeni, a sindikatu je zabranjen rad, kazala je Svjetlana Šokčević, predsjednica Sindikata tekstila, najavljujući kako će resornom ministarstvu crnu listu poslodavaca uputiti idući tjedan.

Proizvođač navlaka za automobile Boxmark Leather nagradu je dobio u kategoriji ulaganja s najvećim brojem novozaposlenih jer u varaždinskoj Slobodnoj zoni zapošljava ukupno 2.207 radnika.

Nije važno tko najbrže raste ili ima najveći izvoz ako je sporedno kako je radnicima u takvim poduzećima, poručila je Šokčević navodeći kako je sramotno da Vladina agencija nagrađuje tvrtku kojom bi se trebao baviti Vladin ured za ljudska prava.
HAP @ 20:16 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 1 | Prikaži komentare
Commentary No. 244, Nov. 1, 2008

"Dramatic Consequences in Iraq?"


"Dramatic consequences" are what U.S. Secretary of Defense, Robert Gates, predicts if, on Jan. 1, 2009, there is no agreement concerning the rights of U.S. troops to operate in Iraq, either via a so-called Status-of-Forces Agreement (SOFA) between Iraq and the United States or, second best, an extension of the United Nations mandate that is at the moment the juridical basis of the presence and rights of U.S. military activity there, but which expires on Dec. 31, 2008.

The negotiations between the United States and Iraq have reached an impasse, as almost everyone now acknowledges. There could be a last-minute breakthrough, but it seems unlikely. It seems more probable that the U.N. Security Council will meet at the very end of December to authorize a time-limited extension of the present mandate. This would throw the question into the hands of the next U.S. president to negotiate. This is not at all what the Bush administration had wanted or ever expected to happen.

A year ago or so, the Bush administration was confident that it could negotiate a SOFA agreement with a presumed-to-be friendly al-Maliki government in Iraq. It wanted an agreement that would more or less renew the current rules governing U.S. military operations in Iraq and one that would also thereby tie the hands of the next U.S. administration for at least several years. The U.S. negotiators proposed an agreement at the level of the two governments, one that would not have to be ratified by the legislatures of either country.

Everything went wrong with this plan. First of all, the legislatures insisted that they wanted to be part of the arrangements, especially the Iraqi legislature. Secondly, there were important political voices within Iraq who were against any arrangement that would keep U.S. forces in Iraq. These included, of course, the group led by Moktada al-Sadr, who has consistently raised the banner of Iraqi nationalism against a continued U.S. presence.

But al-Sadr was not alone. It turned out that there were serious reservations among all three groups on whom the United States had counted to be sympathetic to an extension - the two main Shi'a parties other than the Sadrists (SCIRI and al-Maliki's party, Dawa), the so-called moderate Sunnis, and of course the Kurds. The rumblings on all sides led Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki to take a far tougher line in the negotiations than the United States had anticipated. He started to act as though his greatest worry was that he might be outflanked as an Iraqi nationalist leader by others, and in particular by Moktada al-Sadr.

Al-Maliki therefore made two primary demands in the negotiations. He wanted a firm date for the withdrawal of U.S. troops. And he wanted to submit U.S. troops and civilian contractors to Iraqi jurisdiction, whenever they were accused of serious crimes committed outside of legitimate military activity. Both demands were totally anathema to the United States.

But al-Maliki held firm. And after many months he got concessions. There was agreement on a terminal date of 2011 for U.S. combat troops, and there was agreement on Iraqi jurisdiction on behavior in the non-military arena. But the wording of each concession also included escape clauses. The withdrawal in 2011 was to be subject to "conditions on the ground." And Iraqi jurisdiction was to be subject to someone (presumably the United States) deciding that the alleged behavior was indeed outside of legitimate military activity.

The escape hatches turned out to be too much for Iraqi politicians to accept. As one of them recently put it, "they have given with the right hand what they have taken away with the left hand." So, one after the other, they said they would not vote to approve the present "compromise" draft. The most important voice along these lines was Grand Ayatollah al-Sistani who indicated that the present proposal was unacceptable. The largest Shi'a party, SCIRI, refused the draft. The moderate Sunnis and the Kurds indicated that they wanted changes. The entire Iraqi cabinet then voted to insist on amendments. It then indicated that one of the amendments would be to give the Iraqi (and not the U.S.) government the power to decide on whether behavior of Americans was outside legitimate military activity. It doesn't seem that such amendments are at all acceptable to the United States.

In this situation, Secretary of Defense Gates and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice have tried to issue careful diplomatic comments. Other Americans were not as restrained. The commander of U.S. troops in Iraq, Gen. Raymond T. Odierno, said that Iraqi reluctance was due to Iranian bribes. Al-Maliki immediately said that Odierno had "risked his position."

Then the Chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, Adm. Michael Mullen, opined that, without U.S. troop support, Iraqi forces would not "be ready to provide for their own security." The Iraqi government's spokesman, Ali al-Dabbagh, immediately responded angrily that "it is not correct to force Iraqis into making a choice and it is not appropriate to talk with the Iraqis in this way." Other Iraqis were more blunt. They called Mullen's comments about ending all U.S. assistance if a SOFA agreement was not signed a form of "blackmail."

When the United States launched its recent raid against presumed al-Qaeda elements located on Syrian soil, and did this from a base in Iraq, it threw further cold water on the proposed agreement. A prominent Kurdish politician said that the raid was made without the knowledge of the Iraqi government and would give Iraqi's neighbors "a good reason to be concerned about the continued U.S. presence in Iraq." Another amendment the Iraqi cabinet now wants is one forbidding attacks on neighbors by U.S. forces located in Iraq.

Russia's Foreign Minister, Sergei Lavrov, has made it clear that Russia would not oppose an extension of U.N. authorization, provided it is the government of Iraq that requests it. Lavrov added that Russia supports "the government of Iraq as far as the need to ensure the sovereignty of Iraq on its own territory is concerned." Why should Russia not do this? Russia is quite happy to see U.S. troops tied down in Iraq for the time being. It constricts U.S. ability to use them anywhere else. In any case, there is a question whether the Iraqi government, if and when it requests an extension of the U.N. mandate, would ask that the new provisions the United States is opposing in the SOFA agreement be included in the extension, in which case the United States might veto the extension.

The person who is quietly relishing what is going on is Moktada al-Sadr. His mere existence as a voice on the Iraqi scene has forced all other Iraqi political forces to express Iraqi nationalist demands more openly and more aggressively. The tide is moving in his direction. It is now quite probable that the Iraqi government will ask the United States to withdraw entirely even before the hypothetical date of 2011 in the present proposal, and very long before the 100 years of which John McCain once spoke.

Will there be "dramatic consequences"? The world will judge. So of course will the Iraqis. And so will U.S. public opinion. But dramatic or not, it is probably going to happen.



by Immanuel Wallerstein

[Copyright by Immanuel Wallerstein, distributed by Agence Global. For rights and permissions, including translations and posting to non-commercial sites, and contact: rights@agenceglobal.com, 1.336.686.9002 or 1.336.286.6606. Permission is granted to download, forward electronically, or e-mail to others, provided the essay remains intact and the copyright note is displayed. To contact author, write: immanuel.wallerstein@yale.edu.

These commentaries, published twice monthly, are intended to be reflections on the contemporary world scene, as seen from the perspective not of the immediate headlines but of the long term.]
HAP @ 19:32 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
HAP @ 16:22 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Borba za Floridu koja je već jednom »odlučila« izbore

McCain je opet kritizirao Obaminu skupu kampanju; Obama je prikupio oko 600 milijuna dolara, više nego bilo koji kandidat za predsjednika do sada

Samo pet dana prije velikog izbornog dana kad će američki glasači odlučiti tko će biti njihov novi predsjednik, domaći i svjetski mediji govore o neobičnom TV spotu Baracka Obame. Dok se kandidati bore za prevlast u tzv. swing državi Floridi, na čak sedam televizija, u srijedu je u udarnom terminu prikazan polusatni spot, za čiju je izradu i prikazivanje utrošeno oko pet milijuna dolara. Ovakav predizborni TV oglas u kampanjama u SAD-u nije viđen posljednjih 16 godina.
U TV spotu obični Amerikanci govore o poteškoćama s kojima žive, ali našla su se tu i brojna poznata lica iz poslovnog i političkog svijeta koji će svoj glas dati Obami.
»Neću biti savršeni predsjednik ali mogu obećati jedno - uvijek ću vam reći što mislim i koji je moj stav«, tim se riječima u spotu obraća Obama, a kratak film završava njegovim obraćanjem u živo na skupu u Floridi.
S druge strane, republikanski kandidat McCain je na skupu u Tampi napao Obaminu nesposobnost da održi sigurnost u zemlji. »Pitanje je ima li taj čovjek ono što je potrebno da zaštiti SAD od Al Qaide, Osame bin Ladena i ostalih svjetskih prijetnji«, rekao je McCain. A na skupu u Miamiju kritizirao je Obamu zbog nedavne izjave da kroz svoj gospodarski plan »želi raspodijeliti bogatstvo«. McCain je naglasio kako je glavna razlika među njima to što se Obama kandidirao da bi »raspodijelio bogatstvo«, a on »da bi stvorio više bogatstva«.
Isto tako, trošak TV spota koji se procjenjuje na oko pet milijuna dolara, pokrenuo je lavinu kritika i optužbi. Tako je McCain u srijedu opet kritizirao Obaminu skupu kampanju koja se ne financira javno poput njegove.
Naime, Obama je u ovoj kampanji privatnim putem sakupio oko 600 milijuna dolara, više nego bilo koji kandidat za predsjednika do sada. McCain je pak podsjetio na činjenicu da je Obama, prije nego je postao predsjednički kandidat govorio da će prihvatiti državno financiranje.

Obama i Clinton zajedno
U nastavku kampanje, u srijedu se demokratski kandidat na skupu u Floridi prvi put pojavio zajedno sa bivšim predsjednikom Billom Clintonom. Clinton, čija je supruga Hillary bila poražena u utrci za demokratskog kandidata, hvalio je Obamu, rekavši da on ima sposobnost donošenja odluka i odlučnost za ostvarivanje promjena.
Pozvao je okupljene da na izborima 4. studenoga daju svoj glas Obami, rekavši kako su Sjedinjene države suočene s previše izazova da bi riskirale još jednog republikanca u Bijeloj kući.
Što se tiče Clintonovog pojavljivanja na Floridi, smatra se da bi trebalo imati snažan učinak na tamošnje birače jer je Clinton posljednji demokratski predsjednički kandidat koji je pobijedio na Floridi, još 1996. Podsjetimo, iz Floride demokrati nose ružne uspomene s izbora 2000., kad je Al Gore izgubio od Georgea W. Busha za 537 glasova, nakon što je sporno ponovno prebrojavanje glasova riješeno odlukom Vrhovnog suda.

Glavne predizborne teme
• Porezna politika
Obama - želi dodatno oporezivati bogatiji sloj i povećati korporativne poreze, ali ne i oporezivati one koji zarađuju manje od 250 tisuća dolara godišnje
McCain - ne želi podizati poreze ni u kojem području, a bori se za smanjenje korporativnih poreza s 35 na 25 posto.
• Zdravstvo
Obama - traži obaveznu i besplatnu zdravstvenu skrb za svu djecu i želi stvoriti nacionalni program za one koji nemaju nikakvo zdravstveno osiguranje
McCain - vjeruje da jedino kokurencija na tržištu može poboljšati kvalitetu zdravstvenog osiguranja i zato ne podržava besplatno i obavezno zdravstvo
• Pobačaj
Obama - za pravo izbora, protivi se amandmanu za odbacivanju odluke Vrhovnog suda o pravu na pobačaj
McCain - protivnik pobačaja, smatra da je odluka Vrhovnog suda o tom pitanju puna mana i da mora biti odbačena
• Rusija
Obama - smatra da je Busheva administracija zanemarila veze s Rusijom te da se to svakako mora promijeniti
McCain - vjeruje da Rusija pod Putinom postaje sve agresivnija i da joj mora biti jasno da će takvo ponašanje imati teške posljedice
• Sigurnost
Obama - za izradu smislenog plana zaštite u teškim kriznim situacijama kao i za poboljšanje cijelog obavještajnog sustava u svim strukturama
McCain - povećao bi broj osoblja u svim specijalnim vojnim i civilnim organizacijama, kao i broj vojnika i marinaca te povećao obrambeni budžet
• Irak
Obama - protivi se uporabi vojne sile u Iraku; prema njegovom planu, trupe bi se potpuno povukle do ljeta 2010.
McCain - ne vjeruje u postavljanje roka za povlačenje trupa iz Iraka jer su one potrebne dok se u toj zemlji ne postigne mir i stabilna demokracija
• Školstvo
Obama - podržava obavezni vrtić za sve, kao i više novca za javne škole
McCain - podržava tzv. homeschooling i pravo roditelja da ispišu djecu iz javnih škola te organiziraju privatne školske sate
• Useljenici
Obama - dopustio bi ilegalnim imigrantima legalan ostanak u SAD-u pod uvjetom da prođu tečaj engleskog jezika
McCain - imigrantima dozvolio ostanak, ali bi pojačao granične kontrole, posebno prema Meksiku
• Vanjska Politika
Obama - vjeruje u moć dijaloga s Iranom, Kubom i Venezuelom
McCain - smatra da državama poput Irana ne treba popuštati niti s njima pregovarati

Petra Kostanjšak

http://www.vjesnik.com/html/2008/10/30/Clanak.asp?r=van&c=1

HAP @ 15:22 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 2 | Prikaži komentare
Nema nam pomoći

SAD: Banke će potrošiti pola državne pomoći na isplate dividendi

Američke banke dobit će više od 163 milijarde dolara od ministarstva financija kako bi se omogućilo daljnje kreditiranje tržišta, no više od pola tog iznosa (52 posto) potrošit će se na isplate dividendi dioničarima. To će se dogoditi kroz sljedeće tri godine i uz dozvolu vlasti, a kritičari se pitaju zašto se novcem poreznih obveznika pomaže takva praksa. "Cijeli smisao ovog programa su povećanje kreditiranja i injekcija kapitala u Main Street. Ako se novac upotrijebi za dividende, to je u suprotnosti sa smislom programa", izjavio je Senator Charles E. Schumer. U zemljama poput Velike Britanije i Njemačke pomoć države bankama bila je uvjetovana privremenom suspenzijom isplate dividendi. Washington Post... Permalink
HAP @ 13:02 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Prosvjed za besplatno školstvo 5. 11. (srijeda) u podne pred Mimarom (ide se na Gornji grad na Katarinski trg)!

Video-najava: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gYUrCJ4idqQ

Pogledajte!!!

Jedan svijet - jedna borba - obrazovanje NIJE na prodaju!
HAP @ 12:37 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 2 | Prikaži komentare
četvrtak, listopad 30, 2008


Robert Brenner




THE CURRENT CRISIS could well turn out to be the most devastating since the Great Depression. It manifests profound, unresolved problems in the real economy that have been — literally — papered over by debt for decades, as well as a shorter term financial crunch of a depth unseen since World War II. The combination of the weakness of underlying capital accumulation and the meltdown of the banking system is what’s made the downward slide so intractable for policymakers and its potential for disaster so serious. The plague of foreclosures and abandoned homes — often broken into and stripped clean of everything, including copper wiring — stalks Detroit in particular, and other Midwest cities.

The human disaster this represents for hundreds of thousands of families and their communities may be only the first signal of what such a capitalist crisis means. Historic bull runs of the financial markets in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s — with their epoch-making transfer of income and wealth to the richest one per cent of the population — have distracted attention from the actual longterm weakening of the advanced capitalist economies. Economic performance in the United States, western Europe and Japan, by virtually every standard indicator — the growth of output, investment, employment and wages — has deteriorated, decade by decade, business cycle by business cycle, since 1973.

The years since the start of the current cycle, which originated in early 2001, have been worst of all. GDP (Gross Domestic Product) growth in the United States has been the slowest for any comparable interval since the end of the 1940s, while the increase of new plant and equipment and the creation of jobs have been one third and two thirds, respectively, below postwar averages. Real hourly wages for production and non supervisory workers, about 80% of the labor force, have stayed roughly flat, languishing at about their level of 1979.

Nor has the economic expansion been significantly stronger in either western Europe or Japan. The declining economic dynamism of the advanced capitalist world is rooted in a major drop in profitability, caused primarily by a chronic tendency to overcapacity in the world manufacturing sector, going back to the late 1960s and early 1970s. By 2000, in the United States, Japan and Germany, the rate of profit in the private economy had yet to make a comeback, rising no higher in the 1990s cycle than in that of the 1970s.

With reduced profitability, firms had smaller profits to add to their plant and equipment, as well as smaller incentives to expand. The perpetuation of reduced profitability since the 1970s led to a steady falloff in investment, as a proportion of GDP, across the advanced capitalist economies, as well as step-by-step reductions in the growth of output, means of production, and employment.

The long slowdown in capital accumulation, as well as corporations’ repression of wages to restore their rates of return, along with governments’ cuts in social spending to buttress capitalist profits, have resulted in a slowdown in the growth of investment, consumer and government demand, and thus in the growth of demand as a whole. The weakness in aggregate demand, ultimately the consequence of the reduction in profitability, has long constituted the main barrier to growth in advanced capitalist economies.

To counter the persistent weakness of aggregate demand, governments, led by the United States, have seen little choice but to underwrite ever greater volumes of debt, through ever more varied and baroque channels, to keep the economy turning over. Initially, during the 1970s and 1980s, states were obliged to incur ever larger public deficits to sustain growth. But while keeping the economy relatively stable, these deficits also rendered it increasingly stagnant: In the parlance of that era, governments were getting progressively less bang for their buck, less growth of GDP for any given increase in borrowing.

From Budget-Cutting to Bubblenomics

In the early 1990s, therefore, in both the United States and Europe, led by Bill Clinton, Robert Rubin and Alan Greenspan, governments moving to the right and guided by neoliberal thinking (privatization and slashing of social programs) sought to overcome stagnation by attempting to move to balanced budgets. But although this fact does not loom large in most accounts of the period, this dramatic shift radically backfired.

Because profitability had still failed to recover, the deficit reductions brought about by budget balancing resulted in a huge hit to aggregate demand, with the result that during the first half of the 1990s, both Europe and Japan experienced devastating recessions, the worst of the postwar period, and the U.S. economy experienced the so-called jobless recovery. Since the middle 1990s, the United States has consequently been obliged to resort to more powerful and risky forms of stimulus to counter the tendency to stagnation. In particular, it replaced the public deficits of traditional Keynesianism with the private deficits and asset inflation of what might be called asset price Keynesianism, or simply Bubblenomics.

In the great stock market runup of the 1990s, corporations and wealthy households saw their wealth on paper massively expand. They were therefore enabled to embark upon a record-breaking increase in borrowing and, on this basis, to sustain a powerful expansion of investment and consumption. The so-called New Economy boom was the direct expression of the historic equity price bubble of the years 1995-2000. But since equity prices rose in defiance of falling profit rates and since new investment exacerbated industrial overcapacity, there quickly ensued the stock market crash and recession of 2000-2001, depressing profitability in the non-financial sector to its lowest level since 1980.

Undeterred, Greenspan and the Federal Reserve, aided by the other major Central Banks, countered the new cyclical downturn with another round in the inflation of asset prices, and this has essentially brought us to where we are today. By reducing real short-term interest rates to zero for three years, they facilitated an historically unprecedented explosion of household borrowing, which contributed to and fed on rocketing house prices and household wealth.

According to The Economist,, the world housing bubble between 2000 and 2005 was the biggest of all time, outrunning even that of 1929. It made possible a steady rise in consumer spending and residential investment, which together drove the expansion. Personal consumption plus housing construction accounted for 90-100% of the growth of U.S. GDP in the first five years of the current business cycle. During the same interval, the housing sector alone, according to Moody’s Economy.com, was responsible for raising the growth of GDP by almost 50% above what it would otherwise been — 2.3% rather than 1.6%.

Thus, along with G. W. Bush’s Reaganesque budget deficits, record household deficits succeeded in obscuring just how weak the underlying economic recovery actually was. The rise in debt-supported consumer demand, as well as super-cheap credit more generally, not only revived the American economy but, especially by driving a new surge in imports and the increase of the current account (balance of payments and trade) deficit to record levels, powered what has appeared to be an impressive global economic expansion.

Brutal Corporate Offensive

But if consumers did their part, the same cannot be said for private business, despite the record economic stimulus. Greenspan and the Fed had blown up the housing bubble to give the corporations time to work off their excess capital and resume investing. But instead, focusing on restoring their profit rates, corporations unleashed a brutal offensive against workers. They raised productivity growth, not so much by increasing investment in advanced plant and equipment as by radically cutting back on jobs and compelling the employees who remained to take up the slack. Holding down wages as they squeezed more output per person, they appropriated to themselves in the form of profits an historically unprecedented share of the increase that took place in non-financial GDP.

Non-financial corporations, during this expansion, have raised their profit rates significantly, but still not back to the already reduced levels of the 1990s. Moreover, in view of the degree to which the ascent of the profit rate was achieved simply by way of raising the rate of exploitation — making workers work more and paying them less per hour — there has been reason to doubt how long it could continue. But above all, in improving profitability by holding down job creation, investment and wages, U.S. businesses have held down the growth of aggregate demand and thereby undermined their own incentive to expand.

Simultaneously, instead of increasing investment, productiveness and employment to increase profits, firms have sought to exploit the hyper-low cost of borrowing to improve their own and their shareholders’ position by way of financial manipulation — paying off their debts, paying out dividends, and buying their own stocks to drive up their value, particularly in the form of an enormous wave of mergers and acquisitions. In the United States, over the last four or five years, both dividends and stock repurchases as a share of retained earnings have exploded to their highest levels of the postwar epoch. The same sorts of things have been happening throughout the world economy — in Europe, Japan and Korea.

Bursting Bubbles

The bottom line is that, in the United States and across the advanced capitalist world since 2000, we have witnessed the slowest growth in the real economy since World War II and the greatest expansion of the financial or paper economy in U.S. history. You don’t need a Marxist to tell you that this can’t go on.

Of course, just as the stock market bubble of the 1990s eventually burst, the housing bubble eventually crashed. As a consequence, the film of housing-driven expansion that we viewed during the cyclical upturn is now running in reverse. Today, house prices have already fallen by 5% from their 2005 peak, but this has only just begun. It is estimated by Moody’s that by the time the housing bubble has fully deflated in early 2009, house prices will have fallen by 20% in nominal terms — even more in real terms — by far the greatest decline in postwar U.S. history.

Just as the positive wealth effect of the housing bubble drove the economy forward, the negative effect of the housing crash is driving it backward. With the value of their residences declining, households can no longer treat their houses like ATM machines, and household borrowing is collapsing, and thus households are having to consume less.

The underlying danger is that, no longer able to putatively “save” through their rising housing values, U.S. households will suddenly begin to actually save, driving up the rate of personal savings, now at the lowest level in history, and pulling down consumption. Understanding how the end of the housing bubble would affect consumers’ purchasing power, firms cut back on their hiring, with the result that employment growth fell significantly from early in 2007.

Thanks to the mounting housing crisis and the deceleration of employment, already in the second quarter of 2007, real total cash flowing into households, which had increased at an annual rate of about 4.4% in 2005 and 2006, had fallen near zero. In other words, if you add up households’ real disposable income, plus their home equity withdrawals, plus their consumer credit borrowing, plus their capital gains realization, you find that the money that households actually had to spend had stopped growing. Well before the financial crisis hit last summer, the expansion was on its last legs.

Vastly complicating the downturn and making it so very dangerous is, of course, the sub-prime debacle which arose as direct extension of the housing bubble. The mechanisms linking unscrupulous mortgage lending on a titanic scale, mass housing foreclosures, the collapse of the market in securities backed up by sub-prime mortgages, and the crisis of the great banks who directly held such huge quantities of these securities, require a separate discussion.

One can simply say by way of conclusion, because banks’ losses are so real, already enormous, and likely to grow much greater as the downturn gets worse, that the economy faces the prospect, unprecedented in the postwar period, of a freezing up of credit at the very moment of sliding into recession — and that governments face a problem of unparalleled difficulty in preventing this outcome.



[This statement was written by Robert Brenner, a member of the ATC editorial board and author of The Economics of Global Turbulence. References for all data cited here can be found in this book, especially in the Afterword.]

from ATC 132 (January/February 2008)



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HAP @ 14:21 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Pogled iz Srbije na komercijalizaciju školstva. Muče ih jednake stvari kao i nas:

STUDIJE BI TREBALO DA BUDU POTPUNO BESPLATNE


Piše:
Ljubiša Rajić
(Autor je profesor Filološkog fakulteta Univerziteta u Beogradu)


Kako god da su se vremenom zvali - vanredni studenti, studenti iz rada, studenti uz rad, studenti na samofinansiranju i sufinansiranju - to su studenti koji plaćaju školarinu, iako studiraju na državnim univerzitetima. Za tu školarinu danas po pravilu ne dobijaju ništa ili dobijaju veoma malo, nastavu prate zajedno sa studentima na budžetskom finansiranju, a eventualno su oslobođeni naknade za ispite ili dobijaju besplatno poneku knjigu ili nešto slično. To, naravno, ne znači da je školovanje za studente na budžetskom finansiranju sasvim besplatno, jer se i od njih naplaćuju razne dažbine, a pre svega prijave ispita.

Follow up:

Školarine su različite od fakulteta do fakulteta. One nisu utemeljene na ozbiljnoj analizi troškova studija, već se uglavnom određuje prema potrebama fakulteta za pokriće dela plata i materijalnih troškova koje vlada ne plaća, te pretpostavci šta su studenti, odnosno njihovi roditelji spremni da prihvate bez previše protesta. Ideju o samofinansiranju podržavale su sve vlade, jer tako smanjuju budžetske troškove, a akademska zajednica je rado prihvata, jer je uvek lakše prevaliti teret na studente nego se sukobiti sa vladom i štrajkovima je naterati da u celini podmiruju troškove univerzitetskog obrazovanja.
Osnovni problem Filološkog fakulteta je što svaki jezik (uključujući književnost i kulturu koji se na njemu stvaraju) zahteva posebne nastavnike, odnosno, jednostavno rečeno, koliko jezika toliko i sintaksa i toliko i nastavnika sintakse. Broj mogućih zajedničkih predmeta je zanemarljivo mali u odnosu na druge fakultete. Kada bi se svi tehnički fakulteti spojili u jedan, onda bi na tom jedinstvenom fakultetu samo matematika i fizika bili ekvivalenti našim zajedničkim predmetima. Osim toga, učenje stranog jezika zahteva intenzivna vežbanja u malim grupama pod rukovodstvom nastavnika. Zato Filološki fakultet ima veliki broj nastavnika, od kojih nekoliko desetina radi po ugovoru o delu za minimalnu naknadu, jer Ministarstvo za prosvetu neće da ih plaća. U tom kontekstu posmatrano, školarine nisu previsoke, ali u odnosu na prihode studentskih porodica, jesu.
Da li studenti dobijaju ono za šta su platili? Ako govorimo o materijalnim uslovima studiranja (prostorije, biblioteke, grejanje i slično), ne dobijaju. Fakultetu nedostaje nekoliko desetina učionica i koja stotina kvadratnih metara čitaonica. Ako govorimo o kvalitetu nastave, brizi za studente, brzini rešavanja njihovih zahteva, korektnosti u odnosu prema njima, opskrbljenosti biblioteka, dostupnosti literature, pristupu Internetu, vremenu koje nastavnici posvećuju studentima, mentorskom radu i sličnim elementima, dobijaju otprilike isto kao na filozofskim fakultetima u Beogradu i Novom Sadu, što znači znatno manje nego što su najviši evropski standardi, ali više nego na drugim sličnim fakultetima u zemlji (koji, uzgred budi rečeno, u velikoj meri pozajmljuju nastavnike sa univerziteta u Beogradu i Novom Sadu). Naravno, uz određene razlike između pojedinih studijskih grupa.
Međutim, ključni problem je van fakulteta. Nužno je najzad raščistiti da li su studije privatna investicija studenata u sopstvenu privatnu budućnost ili pak investicija celog društva u svoju kolektivnu budućnost u kojoj su celom društvu potrebni filolozi, lekari matematičari i sve druge struke. Jedini ispravan odgovor je ovaj drugi pristup. Studije bi zato trebalo da budu potpuno besplatne i zasnovane na državnom budžetu. Međutim, prevagnula je ideja da studenti plaćaju, i dok se ona godinama širila, istovremeno su opadale i potpuno nestajale nepovratne stipendije i studentski krediti, a cene školarine se približile prosečnim evropskim (onde gde uopšte postoje).
Postoje još dva problema. Da su roditelji nas današnjih profesora morali u svoje vreme da nam plaćaju školarinu, veliko je pitanje koliko bi nas danas bilo na univerzitetu u zvanju profesora, a koliko u zvanju vodoinstalatera ili neke druge struke koja brzo daje posao. Ali mi radije, iz oportunizma i kukavičluka, prebacujemo teret na studente umesto da se sukobimo sa vladom i nateramo je da izdržava državni univerzitet. To je pitanje naše etike. Drugi problem je sve gore klasno raslojavanje u kome, zbog ukupnih troškova, a ne samo školarina, deca iz nižih slojeva ispadaju iz višeg obrazovanja.
Opsednutost komercijalizacijom proširila se i na naučni rad. Ključni naučni rad na univerzitetu morala bi da čine ona istraživanja čiji rezultati poboljšavaju nastavni proces, pa tek bi onda trebalo da dođu na red druga istraživanja. Međutim, naučni rad se sve više usmerava na komercijalno opsluživanje eksternih korisnika, jer to donosi novac.
Pri svemu tome rado se pozivamo na to kako se to radi u EU ili SAD, a nijedan naš univerzitet nema čak ni svoj sopstveni razvojni centar, i o svemu više govorimo po površnim utiscima nego što nešto stvarno znamo.
To važi i za školarine koje se smatraju čistim finansijskim pitanjem.

Izvor: Danas
HAP @ 12:25 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0


Woensdag 29 Oktober 2008 06:08  WASHINGTON (AFP)--Electing Democrat Barack Obama to the presidency would be good for the image of the U.S., a State Department official said.

James Glassman, Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy and Public Affairs, was careful to emphasize that he didn't support the presidential nominee of either party.

He also said he thought 'it would be a great thing for the United States to have a woman as vice president,' a reference to Republican running mate Sarah Palin.

Speaking at a news conference focused on the U.S.-led campaign against terrorism, Glassman - who is assigned to improve his country's image around the world - also spoke about the U.S. military-run detention camp at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

'I don't think it's going to affect the image of the United States' if the prison is closed, he said. The facility has drawn international criticism.

Both U.S. presidential candidates, Obama and his Republican rival, John McCain, have pledged to close the camp at the U.S. naval base. It is holding 272 prisoners without charges.


http://www.beurs.nl/nieuws/artikel.php?id=275625&taal=US&titel=Obama_Victory_Would_Be_Good_For_US_Glob_...



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srijeda, listopad 29, 2008
The Global Meltdown


By ERIC TOUSSAINT



In 2007-2008, the biggest international economic and financial crisis since 1929 broke out. Were it not for the massive and concerted intervention of public authorities in coming to the rescue of thieving bankers, the present crisis would already have reached more ample proportions. Here too, the interdependency is striking. Between 31st December 2007 and the 18th October 2008, all the world's stock exchanges fell dramatically, by 30 to 40%, sometimes more, for the stock exchanges of the industrialized countries, 45% for Turkey, Argentina, Brazil and India, 60% for Russia and China[2]. The colossal build-up of private debts, which is entirely created from fictitious capital, has finally exploded in the industrialized countries starting with the United States, the most heavily indebted economy of the planet. Indeed, in 2008, the sum of public and private debt in the United States amounted to 50 000 billion dollars i.e. 350% of GDP. This economic and financial crisis, which has already spread to the entire planet, will affect the developing countries more and more, even those which still believe themselves safe. Capitalist globalisation has not delinked or disconnected economies. On the contrary, countries like China, Brazil, India or Russia have not been able to protect themselves from this crisis, and this is only the beginning.

The food crisis.

In 2007-2008, the standard of living of more than half of the world population dropped dramatically when the price of food soared. There were massive demonstrations in at least fifteen countries in the first half of 2008. Tens of millions of people more than before faced hunger, and hundreds of millions had to reduce their food consumption (and consequently, their access to other essential goods and services[3]).

All of this was the result of decisions made by a handful of companies in the agro-industry and the financial sector (the institutional investors who contribute to doping the prices of agricultural products) with the backup of the US administration and the European Commission[4]. In fact, the percentage of exports in the world production of food remains small. Only a small part of the rice, wheat or corn produced in the world is exported, while by far the greater amount is consumed in the country of production. However, the price on the export market determines the price on the local market. The export market price is fixed in the United States, mainly in three stock exchanges (Chicago, Minneapolis and Kansas City). Consequently, the price of rice, wheat or corn in Timbuctu, Mexico, Nairobi, and Islamabad is directly affected by the evolution of the prices of these cereals on the United States stock markets.

In 2008, under pressure and to avoid being overthrown by the rioting at the four corners of the earth, the authorities in the developing countries had to take measures to guarantee their citizens access to staple foods.

This state of affairs resulted from several decades of governments gradually withdrawing their support from local cereal producers – who are mainly small producers – and following the neoliberal requirements imposed by institutions such as the World Bank and the IMF as part of the Structural Adjustment Programmes and programmes to reduce poverty. In the name of the "fight against poverty" the institutions have convinced governments to carry out policies which have reproduced or even reinforced poverty. Furthermore, during the last few years, many governments have signed bilateral treaties (especially free trade treaties) which made the situation worse. The WTO Doha round of trade negotiations also had dire consequences.

What happened?

Act 1.


The developing countries gave up the trade barriers which protected the local producers from competition from foreign agricultural producers, mainly North American and European large agro-exportation companies. These then swamped local markets with agricultural products sold for less than it cost local farmers to produce them. This bankrupted local producers, many of whom migrated to the big cities of their own countries or the industrialized countries.

According to the WTO, subsidies paid out by the governments of the North to their big agricultural firms on the domestic market are not in breach of anti-dumping regulations. As Jacques Berthelot wrote, "whereas, for the man in the street, dumping means exporting at a price lower than the average production cost of the exporting country, for the WTO, it cannot be called dumping as long as exports are at the domestic price. Even if that is less than the average production cost[5]."

In short, the countries of the European Union, the United States or other exporting countries may swamp the markets of others with agricultural products benefiting from heavy domestic subsidies. The corn exported to Mexico by the United States is a typical case in hand.

Because of the free trade agreement (FTA) signed by the United States, Canada and Mexico, the latter has abandoned its trade barriers regarding its northern neighbours. Corn exports from the United States to Mexico increased nine fold between 1993 (the last year before enforcement of the FTA) and 2006. Hundreds of thousands of Mexican families have had to stop producing corn as theirs cost more than corn coming from the United States, produced with industrial technology and heavy subsidies. Not only was that an economic disaster, but it also undermined their cultural identity as corn is the symbol of life in Mexican culture, particularly for people of Maya origin. Many corn growers abandoned their fields and went to look for work in the industrial towns of Mexico or the United States.

Act 2.

Mexico, which has thus became dependant on US corn to feed its population, was confronted with a sharp price rise of the cereal caused partly by speculation on the stock exchanges of Chicago, Kansas City, and Minneapolis and partly by the production of ethanol from corn by the northern neighbour.

The Mexican corn producers were no longer there to satisfy domestic demand and Mexicans were confronted with a soar in the prices of their staple food tortilla, the cornmeal pancake which replaces the bread or the bowl of rice of other parts of the world. In 2007 enormous riots shook Mexico.

In specific conditions, the same causes have produced almost exactly the same effects. The interdependency of food markets on a global scale was pushed to a level never reached before.

The global food crisis lays bare the workings of our capitalist society: the pursuit of maximum private profit in the short term. Capitalists see food as nothing more than a merchandise to be sold for the highest possible profit. Food, an essential element of survival for human beings, is transformed into an instrument of pure profit. This sinister logic must be brought to its knees.

It is time to abolish the control of capital over large-scale production and marketing and give priority to policies of food sovereignty.

The climate crisis. The effects of climate change have temporarily disappeared from the headlines, supplanted by the financial crisis. Nevertheless, the process is underway on a global scale and here too, interdependency is obvious. Indeed the populations of the "poor" countries will be much more affected than those of the "rich" countries, but no one will come out of it unscathed.

The convergence of these three crises shows populations the need to free themselves from capitalist society and its productivist model. The interdependency of capitalist crises highlights the need for an anti-capitalist and revolutionary programme on global scale. Only international and systemic solutions can make for a favorable outcome for the populations and the environment. Humanity cannot be fobbed off with half measures.



Translated by Elizabeth Anne in collaboration with Vicki Briault

Eric Toussaint, president of the Committee for the Cancellation of Third World Debt – Belgium www.cadtm.org , author of The World Bank: A Critical Primer, Pluto, London, 2008.



Notes

[1] Eric Toussaint, president of the Committee for the Abolition of Third World Debt CADTM-Belgium www.cadtm.org, author of The World Bank: Critical Primer, Pluto Press / Between the lines / David Philip Publisher, London - Toronto - Cape Town, 2008; World Bank: A Never-Ending Coup d’Etat Editorial VAK (Mumbai-India), 2007.

[2] See The Economist, 18th October 2008

[3] In the face of soaring food prices, poor households have cut down on health and education as well as accommodation.

[4] See Damien Millet and Eric Toussaint "Retour sur les causes de la crise alimentaire mondiale", August 2008 and Eric Toussaint "Une fois encore sur les causes de la crise alimentaire", Octo 2008

[5] Jacques Berthelot "Démêler le vrai du faux dans la flambée des prix agricoles mondiaux", 15 July 2008, p.47


http://www.counterpunch.org/toussaint10292008.html
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by Steingrímur J. Sigfússon




The current financial crisis in Iceland is of course part of and connected to the international upheaval, but it also has its domestic roots. To put it briefly, for more than 17 years, we Icelanders have had a right-wing government led by the right-wing Independence Party in coalition with social democratic or center parties. The main ideology has been neoliberal economics, with great emphasis on privatization and deregulation of most sectors of society, not least the financial sector. Since 2004 we have had increasing inflation and overheating. The management of the economy has been poor, and the few voices of criticism and words of warning from us on the left have not been listened to.

In the years 2003-2004, government-supported projects of heavy industry investments in aluminum smelters and big hydro-electrical and geothermal power plants set off inflation and increased overheating pressures. This was followed by tax reductions, benefiting mostly the high-income classes and owners of big estates and capital. This, of course, added to the increasing inflation. The housing market was booming and there was also mismanagement in that area. On top of all this, the financial sector, based on newly privatized banks and investment funds, expanded very rapidly and bought up subsidiaries overseas that expanded to big operations in the UK, Scandinavia, Continental Europe, and even in the US.

This led to a huge hypertrophy of the banking and financial sector relative to the Icelandic GDP. Many alarming signs were hovering above our heads in the years 2005, 2006, and 2007, but no measures were taken. The atmosphere was a thoroughly laissez-faire one. The government and leading members of the business sector seemed to think that the upswing in the economy and good years would last forever.

As everyone now knows, this did not turn out to be the case. Before the international financial crisis started in the American housing market -- followed by the fall of big banks, which then spread to become a global influenza in the capital market -- Iceland already had a problem on its hands. Due to the instability and imbalances in the Icelandic economy existing before the crisis, the consequences are much worse for Iceland than any other developed country so far and are turning out to be a tremendous blow to ordinary citizens of Iceland. What we are witnessing is a total collapse of neo-liberal, modern capitalism. What is left of it, however, is being kept alive with huge public spendings by governments around the world. The cost is even more devastating in Iceland because the whole banking sector, with the only exception of the local saving banks, has collapsed and is now being nationalized.

The worst of it all is that the Icelandic public, the Icelandic taxpayers, who have already been tremendously hard hit are now, for no fault of their own, being held responsible for overseas debts that the banks piled up through opening accounts in their own names in the UK, the Netherlands, and elsewhere. This is particularly the case of the former Landsbanki hf, which gathered big sums of money for which the Icelandic national system of savings guarantees is now partly accountable. What this means is that, in the coming years and perhaps decades, Icelandic citizens will have a burden of huge amounts of overseas debts on their shoulders due to the collapsed banks' activities during the years of hasty interconnections with and dangerous dependence on other economies. This is of course totally unfair and will also hinder the rebuilding of a stable welfare society and sound economy in Iceland.

As Chairman of the Left-Green Movement of Iceland, I have personally warned and criticized these devastating neoliberal policies in Iceland for a number of years. My colleagues and I have repeatedly proposed measures to stop this craziness. As early as 2005, we put forward in the national parliament a bill to tackle these issues. But we were at that time and in the years that followed almost the only critical voice.

Now, of course, everyone admits that things went terribly wrong. But, as of yet, there seems to be great reluctance, especially on the right and the center of Icelandic politics, to admit that it was the global neoliberal ideology, together with bad management and wrong decisions, that got us where we are and is causing us all these problems.

Our role -- being the biggest opposition party in Iceland -- is now to try to encourage people not to give up in a difficult situation, to demand that these things will all be thoroughly investigated and those responsible brought up for charges. Above all, we are trying to convince the people of Iceland, and especially the young people, that we -- despite all of this -- will be able to get through the difficulties. We do, after all, have tremendous possibilities to build a new Iceland, a better Iceland, where we will build on sound and just policies of openness and democracy, where we will build on a solidary Nordic welfare model, and where we will throw into the dustbin of history the neoliberal philosophy of market liberalization that is now hurting Iceland so deeply.

Despite all, we have a lot going for us when we start this rebuilding process. We are a big country with magnificent nature, rich in resources, especially bountiful fishing grounds and abundant energy sources in geothermal power and hydropower. We have beautiful highland scenery and breathtaking landscapes all around which attract a growing number of tourists every year. And we have a young, skilled and well-educated population used to working hard and willing to work hard.

So, at the same time as we are facing enormous difficulties, we are doing our best to be optimistic regarding the long-term future prospects of Iceland. We are sure that we have all we need to build a new, strong, and prosperous welfare society in Iceland. But then we must build on the right foundations. The new Iceland is going to be open and democratic with a strong public welfare system. It is going to be feminist and based on full actual equality of all individuals, and it is going to build on the principles of sustainable development as regards energy policy and all investments.

We are at the end of a chapter in the world‘s political history. A new one is about to begin. Let us join hands, wherever we live -- be it in Iceland, the United States of America, or elsewhere on the globe -- to ensure that this new chapter will be a better one for ordinary people, for the global environment, for the North and the South, for women and men, for young and old. If that be the case, something good might come out of this after all. We would finally get rid of the devastating neoliberal economic philosophy and practice and be able to end up with a better world.

Greetings from the Althingi, the Parliament of Iceland
Steingrímur J. Sigfússon


Steingrímur Jóhann Sigfússon is a member of the Icelandic parliament, the Alþingi, since 1983 and the chairman of the Left-Green Movement.



http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/sigfusson201008.html
HAP @ 20:44 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
29. 10. 2008. | 13:42
 
Studenti u Rimu sukobili se s policijom
Autor Silvije TOMAŠEVIĆ
 
 
 
 
RIM – Na rimskom Trgu Navona policija je u srijedu napala studente koji su prosvjedovali protiv reforme školstva koju je talijanski parlament izglasovao u srijedu. Zakon o školstvu usvojen je unatoč golemim prosvjedima u cijeloj Italiji protiv tako restriktivnog plana koji je predložila ministrica obrazovanja Mariastella Gelmini. Dva studenata su ranjena u srijedu tijekom prosvjeda na Trgu Navona gdje su tisuće mladih prosvjedovale. Jedan od ranjenih studenata izjavio je daga su ga policajci napali i izudarali. Školsku reformu, protiv koje su ustale stotine tisuća učenika i studenata izglasovao je u srijedu senat sa 162 glasa "za" i 134 "protiv", a tri su senatora bila odsutna.

Budući da je zastupnički dom 9. listopada već usvojio zakon, sada on stupa na snagu.

Za četvrtak je u Rimu sazvan opći prosvjed škola i sveučilišta (predviđen je dolazak 9 specijalnih vlakova i tisuću autobusa) uz opći štrajk u svim talijanskim školama.

Većinski desni centar premijera Silvija Berlusconija inzistirao je na usvajanju takvog zakona, ne samo unatoč prosvjedima, nego i unatoč savjetima iz Crkva koja je rekla da će to izazvati studentsku pobunu.

- Školstvo se mijenja, vraća se ozbiljnost - izjavila je Gelmini nakon usvajanja zakona.




http://www.vecernji.hr/newsroom/news/international/3190024/index.do

 

HAP @ 16:21 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

RECESIJA UZIMA NOVE ŽRTVE

Gospodarstva nove Europe na udaru krize

Mađarska vlada priprema se za mogućnost zapadanja njezina gospodarstva u recesiju u idućoj godini, što naznačuje da se i nekadašnja komunistička Europa suočila s posljedicama financijske krize.

Mađarska, koja se poput Ukrajine i Islanda obratila Međunarodnom monetarnom fondu (MMF) za pomoć, objavila je da će izmijeniti prvotno predviđen proračun za 2009. koji se temelji na očekivanom rastu od 1,2 posto, te uzeti u obzir mogućnost recesije. Riječ je o prvom od većih, izvozom pokretanih gospodarstava središnje Europe koje je povuklo takav potez."Trebali bismo se pripremiti na borbu Europe i svijeta s recesijom a za mađarsko gospodarstvo prognozirati smanjenje i do jedan posto aktivnosti, a ne njihov rast", kazao je mađarski premijer Ferenc Gyurcsany.

Vlade zemalja diljem regije srezale su prognoze rasta svojih gospodarstava i očekuju smanjenje proračunskih prihoda, što je teška situacija u vrijeme kada su njihove mogućnosti novog zaduživanja na međunarodnim tržištima dugova ograničene uslijed globalne kreditne krize.Regija koju su nekad ekonomisti smatrali pošteđenom utjecaja krize zbog niske izloženosti toksičnim dugovima ovaj je mjesec ipak uzdrmana budući da su se strani ulagači počeli rješavati tamošnje imovine i pobjegli na razvijena tržišta. Val prodaja koje su poduzeli oštro je pogodio tržišta valuta, dugova i dionica u cijeloj regiji.

Mađarski premijer Gyurcsany kazao je da će njegova vlada sniziti proračunski manjak u 2009. na 2,6 posto BDP-a nasuprot ranije ciljanih 2,9 posto.Rumunjskoj je Standard & Poor's (S&P) u ponedjeljak snizio kreditni rejting, dodijelivši mu status 'bezvrijedan', što je rezultiralo padom vrijednosti leja za 2,0 posto. Zamjenik guvernera središnje banke Cristian Popa ocijenio je taj potez agencije neopravdanim, kazavši kako se pristup financiranju nije pokazao vidno otežanim.

Iako je MMF naglasio da ne pregovara s Rumunjskom, napomenuo je kako je vanjsko okruženje te zemlje, odnosno njezine mogućnosti da dalje pozajmljuje novac za poticanje gospodarstva, vrlo otežano.Latvija, čije je kreditne rejtinge S&P također snizio početkom tjedna, najavila je daljnje sniženje proračunskog manjka u odnosu na planiranih 1,85 posto BDP-a. Agencija je snizila i rejtinge susjednoj Litvi. Bugarska, još jedna ranjiva zemlja zbog visoke inozemne zaduženosti, srezala je procjene stope rasta na 4,7 posto, nasuprot ranije prognoziranih 6,5 posto a Svjetska banka pozvala je tu zemlju da pripremi plan za hitne situacije.  (H)

http://www.liderpress.hr/Default.aspx?sid=58332

 



HAP @ 13:14 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

domaće tržište kapitala

Crobex u prvoj minuti porastao 6,13 posto

Kao što se moglo i očekivati, nakon jučerašnjeg vrtoglavog rasta burzi u SAD-u, euforija se jutros preselila i na domaće tržište. U prvoj minuti trgovanja burzovni indeks porastao je više od šest posto.

Dionici Atlantske plovidbe uskoro se smješi blokada jer je u prvoj minuti zabilježen rast od 8,99 posto, a slična sudbina mogla bi zadesiti i IGH(plus 8,33 posto), INgru i Zabu. Čini se da nas čeka još jedan euforije na domaćem tržištu.  (Amir Kulenović)

*Autor posjeduje dionice HT-a

http://www.liderpress.hr/Default.aspx?sid=58247

HAP @ 13:09 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 1 | Prikaži komentare


By MICHAEL HUDSON




On Friday, October 24, the pound sterling dropped to just $1.58 (down from $1.73 earlier in the week, an enormous plunge by foreign-exchange standards), and the euro sunk to just $1.26, while Japan’s yen soared by 10 per cent. These shifts threatened to disrupt export markets and hence industrial sales patterns. Global stock markets plunged from 5 to 9 per cent abroad, and there was talk of closing the New York market if stocks fell more than 1,000 points. Pre-opening trading saw the Dow Jones Industrial Average down the maximum limit of 550 points (largely on foreign selling) before bounding back to lose “only” 312 points as the dollar soared against European currencies.

Friday’s currency turmoil and stock market plunge was a case of the chickens coming home to roost from the class-war policies being waged by European and Asian industry and banking squeezing their domestic consumer markets – that is, labor’s living standards – in favor of export production to the United States. The internal contradiction in this industrial and financial class warfare is now clear: To the extent that it succeeds in depressing labor’s income, it stifles the domestic consumer-goods market. This disrupts Say’s Law – the principle that “production creates its own demand,” based on the assumption that employees will (or must) be paid enough to buy what they produce.

This has not been true for many years in Europe and Asia. But production has been able to continue without faltering because of an international deus ex machina: consumer demand in the United States.

This is not to say that no class warfare is being fought in the United States. Indeed, living standards for most wage earners today are down from the “golden age” of the late 1970s. But the U.S. economy had its own financial deus ex machina to soften the blow: Alan Greenspan’s asset-price inflation that flooded the banks with credit, which was lent out to homebuyers and stock market raiders. Rising home prices were applauded as “wealth creation” as if they were a pure asset, much like dividends suddenly being awarded to one’s savings account. Homebuyers were encouraged to “cash out” on the rising “equity” margin, the (temporarily) rising market price of their homes over and above their (permanent) mortgage debt. So while most mortgage money was used to bid up the price of home ownership, about a quarter of new lending was reported to be spent on consumption goods. Credit card debt also soared. In the face of a paycheck squeeze, U.S. consumers were maintaining their living standards by running further and further into debt.

This could not go on for very long. It never has. Debt-financed bubbles can’t last for more than a few years, even when fueled by a self-feeding inflation of asset prices in which households and corporate industry borrow more and more against the rising price of their collateral. But once the housing bubble burst the game was up.

The game was up was up not only for the U.S. economy, but also for foreign economies that had geared their industrial production to serve the U.S. market rather than their own home markets. A global industrial slowdown is now threatened, and must continue until foreign domestic markets are nurtured – just the opposite trend from the recent generation of neoliberal anti-labor policies.

To understand the dynamics at work, one needs to look at the balance of payments – not so much the balance of trade itself, but the currency speculation, international lending and arbitrage that has dominated exchange rates over the past two decades. Exchange rates no longer reflect relative wage levels, “purchasing power parity” or living costs as in times past. Today, they reflect the flow of international borrowing where interest rates are low and lending at a markup where credit is tight – and then hedging this arbitrage, and jumping on the bandwagon to speculate on which way currencies will go.

In this way the balance of payments and currency values have been “post-industrialized” just as domestic economies themselves have been. Instead of promoting industrial growth based on a thriving home market, governments throughout the world have pursued a “post-industrial” financial strategy of “wealth creation.”

Japan’s yen crisis – payback for the “carry trade”

Nowhere has this been more the case in Japan, whose economy has remained in the doldrums ever since its bubble burst in 1990. For seventeen years straight, quarter after quarter, Japanese land prices fell, and so did stock market prices – and hence, the collateral pledged as backing for loans. This quickly left Japan’s banks with negative equity. The Bank of Japan’s response was to devise a way for them to rebuild their balance sheets – to “earn their way” out of the bad loans they had made.

The policy was not to revive the faltering domestic market in Japan or its industrial corporations. From 1945 through 1985, Japanese had a model industrial banking system. But in 1985, U.S. diplomats asked Japan to please commit economic suicide. Angered by the striking success of Japanese industry, U.S. officials asked their compliant Japanese counterparts to raise the yen’s exchange rate so as to make its industrial exporters less competitive, and in due course to flood its own economy with credit so as to lower interest rates, thereby enabling the Federal Reserve to flood the U.S. market with enough cheap credit to give a patina of prosperity to the Reagan Administration. This policy – announced in the Plaza Accord of 1985 – led economist David Hale to joke that the Bank of Japan was acting as the Thirteenth Federal Reserve District and the Japanese government as the Republican Re-election Committee.

Japan flooded its economy with credit, lowering interest rates and fueling the world’s largest real estate bubble of the 1980s. The stock market also soared to reflect the rise in Japanese industrial sales and earnings. But after the bubble burst on December 31, 1989, the mortgage debts and stock that that Japanese banks held in their capital reserves fell short of the valuation needed to back their deposit liabilities. To help bail out the banks, Japan’s government urged them to engage in what has become known as the “carry trade”: lending freely created yen credits to foreign financial institutions at remarkably low rates, for these borrowers to convert into other currencies to buy bonds or other assets yielding a higher rate. If the domestic Japanese market lacked credit-worthy borrowers, let them lend to foreigners. As a new source of revenue for the banks in place of loans to domestic real estate and industry, low interest rates enabled them to flood the global economy with credit. This served global finance by providing speculators and “financial intermediaries” with an opportunity to get a free arbitrage ride.

Borrowing rates remained high within Japan itself. As veteran Japan watcher Richard Werner (author of Princes of the Yen) recently described the situation to me, “while Japanese small firms were killed by the continued refusal of banks to expand credit (and many a small firm president was killed by having to sell a kidney to the loan sharks he was forced to resort to), foreign speculators received ample yen funds for a pittance.” The silver lining to this credit creation was that Japanese exporters were aided as the conversion of yen into foreign currencies drove down the exchange rate. (Yen credit was “supplied” to global currency markets, and was spent to buy and hence bid up the price of euros, dollars, sterling and other currencies.)

So the yen remained depressed, helping Japanese sales of consumer goods, while foreign borrowers were enabled to ride their own wave of asset-price inflation. Speculators could borrow at only a few percentage points interest in Japan, and convert their debt into foreign currency and lend to equally desperate countries such as Iceland at up to 15 per cent.

Hundreds of billions of dollars, euros and sterling worth of yen were borrowed and duly converted into foreign currencies to lend out at a markup. Arbitrageurs made billions by acting as financial intermediaries making income on the margin between low yen-borrowing costs and high foreign-currency interest rates. As Ambrose Evans-Pritchard wrote over a year ago in the Financial Times, “the Bank of Japan held interest rates at zero for six years until July 2006 to stave off deflation. Even now, rates are still just 0.5 per cent. It also injected some $12bn liquidity every month by printing money to buy bonds. The net effect has been a massive leakage of money into the global economy. Faced with a pitiful yield at home, Japan's funds and thrifty grannies shoveled savings abroad. Banks, hedge funds, and the proverbial Mrs Watanabe, were all able to borrow for near nothing in Tokyo to snap up assets across the globe. BNP Paribas estimates this "carry trade" to be $1,200bn.”

All this was conditional on the ability of lenders to get a continued free ride. Now that the free lunch is over, Japan’s postindustrial mode of rescuing its banking sector is coming home to roost. It is doing so in a way that highlights the inherent conflict between finance capitalism and industrial capitalism. Whereas industrial expansion is supposed to keep going – and can continue to do so as long as markets keep pace with production – debt bubbles end, usually abruptly as we are seeing today. Now that Iceland has gone bust, Hungary looks like it is following suit.

As global currency markets no longer provide the easy pickings of the last decade, the yen carry trade is being wound down. This involves converting Icelandic currency, euros, sterling and other non-Japanese currencies back into yen to settle the debts owed to Japanese banks. This repayment – and hence re-conversion into yen – is pushing the yen’s price up. This threatens to make Japanese exports higher-priced in terms of dollars, euros and sterling. Last week, Sony forecast that its earnings will fall as a result, and other Japanese companies face a similar squeeze in sales, not only from rising yen/dollar prices but from the global slowdown resulting from two decades of pro-financial anti-labor economic policies.

Evans-Pritchard rightly accused the world’s central banks of having created this mess. “It was they – in effect governments – who intervened in countless complex ways to push down the price of global credit to levels that warped behavior, as the Bank for International Settlements (BIS) has repeatedly noted. By setting the price of money too low, they encouraged debt and punished savings. The markets have merely responded with their usual exuberance to this distorted signal. Private equity was tempted to launch a takeover blitz at a debt-to-cashflow ratio of 5.4 because debt was made so cheap. The US savings rate turned negative because interest rates were held below inflation.” He should better have said, asset-price inflation. Gains for wealth-holders at the top of the economic pyramid polarized economies. What was rising for the bottom 90 per cent was debt, not asset-price gains from easy money.

Financing the U.S. “trickle-down” economy from below

The soaring yen and plunging foreign currency rates are the result of unwinding the Japanese “carry trade” strategy to rescue its banks. Japanese industry will pay the bill. And despite the fall in sterling and the euro, Europe’s policy of emphasizing exports to the American market rather than to sell to its own domestic labor force looks pretty bad in view of the imminent economic slowdown in store. U.S. consumer spending and living standards will have to fall – and it seems, to fall sharply – in order to finance the “trickle down” economy at the top. Current Treasury policy is to bail out the creditors, not the debtors. The banks are being saved, but not U.S. industry, and certainly not the U.S. wage earner/consumer. Instead of pursuing a Keynesian type of deficit spending in a manner that will increase employment (government spending on goods and services, infrastructure spending and transfer payments), the Treasury and Federal Reserve are providing money to the banks to buy each other up, consolidating the U.S. financial system into a European-type system with only a few major banks. The financial system is to become monopolized and trustified, reversing two centuries of economic policy aimed at preventing financial dominance of the economy.

None of the money being given to the banks really will trickle down, of course. Instead, the largest upward transfer of property in over seventy years will occur. The policy of giving money to the wealthiest sectors – these days the financial sector – turns the trickle-down economy into a euphemism for the concentration of wealth. The pretense is that America’s economy needs the financial and property overhead in order for the “real” economy to “take off” again. But a stronger financial sector selling yet more debt to the economy at large threatens to deter recovery, not to speak of a new takeoff.

Seeing the imminent shrinkage of the U.S. market, lenders and investors are dumping their shares, not only those of U.S. firms but also stocks in European and Asian export sectors. This is the “inner contradiction” of today’s financial rescue operation. Finance itself cannot survive in the face of a stifled domestic “real” economy.

So the world ought to be at an ideological turning point. But the last thing that Europe’s oligarchy wants to see is higher labor standards. Nor does the U.S. financial class. Europe and Asia put their faith in a U.S. consumer-goods market rather than their own. The U.S. financial sector found this appealing as long as consumption was financed by running into debt, not by workers earning more money or paying lower taxes. Industrial and political leaders throughout the world have been so anti-labor that there is little thought of raising domestic living standards via higher wage levels and a tax shift off labor and industry back onto property where progressive tax policies used to be based.

Here’s why it is impossible to go back to the past, as if this were some kind of normal condition that can be recovered. When Alan Greenspan flooded the mortgage market with credit, homeowners borrowed against (“cashed out” on) the rise in housing prices as if their homes were a piggy bank. The difference, of course, is that when one draws down a bank account there is less money in it, but no debt is involved to absorb future income in repayment schedules. “Equity loans” have left a debt residue, which now has turned into negative equity with loans still needing to be repaid. This will leave less for consumption. So U.S. consumer spending will fall because of (1) no more easy mortgage or credit-card credit, (2) debt deflation as consumers repay past borrowing, “crowding out” other forms of spending, and (3) downsizing and job losses lead to falling wage income.

Lower consumer spending means less sales by U.S. and foreign manufacturers – especially those in countries whose currency is rising against the dollar (e.g., Japan). Lower sales mean lower earnings, which mean lower stock prices. And in the stock market itself, price/earnings ratios are falling as the credit that fueled stock-market speculation by hedge funds and other arbitrageurs is cut back. So the combination of falling price/earnings ratios and falling earnings mean less in the denominator (earnings) to be multiplied into prices (earnings capitalized at the going interest rate).

Declining stock market prices are reducing the coverage of corporate pension funds (as well as personal retirement accounts), requiring higher set-asides to fully fund these accounts. In the face of tightening bank credit, this will cut back new corporate spending on plant and equipment, further slowing the economy.

As foreign exporters are rudely awakened the dream of an American demand, when will the point come at which Europe and Asia seek to build up their own domestic consumer markets as an alternative? The first problem is to overcome the ideological bias in which central bankers are indoctrinated, in a world where politicians have relinquished economic policy to bankers trained in Chicago School financial warfare against labor and even against industry. It probably is too much to hope that today’s European central bankers and kindred economic managers will drop their neoliberal anti-labor ideology and see that without a thriving domestic market, their own industrial firms will languish. The solution must come from a revived political sector representing the interests of labor, and even of industry itself as it sees the need to revive domestic markets.




Michael Hudson is a former Wall Street economist He was Dennis Kucinich’s chief economic advisor in the recent Democratic primary presidential campaign, and has advised the U.S., Canadian, Mexican and Latvian governments, as well as the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR). A Professor at University of Missouri, Kansas City Hudson is the author of many books, including Super Imperialism: The Economic Strategy of American Empire (new ed., Pluto Press, 2002) He can be reached via his website, mh@michael-hudson.com


http://www.counterpunch.org/hudson10272008.html
HAP @ 13:08 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0



Colombia's largest rebel group FARC says it is willing to start talking about a political solution for the country's 44-year long war.

The guerrillas do not want to negotiate directly with the Uribe administration, but want the mediation of a group of intellectuals and foreign leaders.

The FARC, in a letter published on the website of opposition senator Piedad Córdoba, say they "welcome the creation of a body of opinion that seperates itself from the false triumphalism and the parameters of a warmongering solution to the major national problems."

"We do not doubt the success of your initiative, because it coincides with the feeling and desire for peace of the majority," the letter adds.

The letter is a response to the request of opposition senator Piedad Córdoba and 150 intellectuals to start a correspondence about possible politician solutions to the country's problems.

"This letter is the beginning of the proposed correspondence to discuss a political way out of the conflict, the humanitarian exchange and peace. We will take part in a dialogue that it open and honest, without dogmas, without sectarianism and without downgrading the suggested topics," the letter continues.

The FARC, not mentioning the Uribe administration directly, invites Latin American presidents to take part in the dialogue.

http://colombiareports.com/colombian-news/news/1845-farc-willing-to-seek-political-solution.html

HAP @ 12:01 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Uribe to meet indigenous in Cauca



Colombian President Álvaro Uribe announced he will travel to Cauca to meet indigenous leaders. An attempt to meet last Sunday in Cali failed, because the president arrived three hours late at the meeting and the leaders already had left.

The indigenous, angry because of the tardiness of the President, left the location where talks would be held. Uribe was delayed, because he wanted to attend the recently escaped FARC hostage Oscar Tulio Lizcano first.

Uribe offered to hold talks in Popayán like he had proposed before agreeing to meet in Cali, but the natives refused. They would meet the President in Cauca where the approximately 40,000 indigenous were marching to after Cali. They threatened to massively march until Bogotá if the President didn't give in.

The indigenous have demanded to talk to the president for weeks already. According to them, the government has not kept its promise about the return of stolen land. They also demand better health care and education and want the government to protect them from paramilitary forces that have increasingly pressured their communities.

http://colombiareports.com/colombian-news/news/1852-uribe-to-meet-indigenous-in-cauca.html



HAP @ 11:59 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
utorak, listopad 28, 2008
Slovenija Europi: Niste u pravu
 
 
Vinjete za vožnju autocestama i posljedice njihova uvođenja od 1. srpnja ne diskriminiraju vozače iz ostalih država članica Europske unije, stajalište je slovenske Vlade i odgovor EK.
 

Vinjete za vožnju autocestama i posljedice njihova uvođenja od 1. srpnja ne diskriminiraju vozače iz ostalih država članica Europske unije, potvrđeno u utorak na dopisnoj sjednici slovenske Vlade. Time je ujedno odgovoreno na prvu opomenu Europske komisije u vezi s vinjetama.

EK je u svojoj opomeni tvrdio da učinci uvođenja vinjeta diskriminiraju vozače koji ne žive u Sloveniji, nego se Slovenijom samo ponekad voze jer sustavom nije predviđena mogućnost jeftinijih vinjeta za kraća razdoblja, što bi bilo poštenije prema vozačima u provozu.

Suprotno stajalištu Bruxellesa slovenska Vlada u svom odgovoru navodi da ni vinjete ni stvarne posljedice njihova uvođenja nikako ne mogu biti izravna ili neizravna diskriminacija na temelju državljanstva, a to znači kršenje načela slobodnog protoka koja je u temeljima djelovanja Europske unije.

Kako u svom odgovoru navodi Vlada, cijena polugodišnjih i godišnjih vinjeta jednaka je za sve bez obzira na državljanstvo i razlikuju se samo u trajanju.

I neki se slovenski državljani slovenskim cestama koriste samo povremeno, a to ih stavlja u jednak položaj kao i strane korisnike, navodi se u odgovoru koji je potvrdila Vlada, te ovlastila ministra prometa Radovana Žerjava da ih preda EK-u najkasnije do 2. studenoga.

Vlada u odgovoru također podsjeća da će vinjete kao sustav naplate cestarina biti na snazi samo privremeno, dok se uvede tzv. satelitski sustav naplate po prijeđenim kilometrima.

Kako navode slovenski mediji, takav odgovor zapravo znači da Janšina Vlada odbija odgovornost za neprilike zbog uvođenja paušalnog načina plaćanja cestarine koji nije predvidio "tranzitne" vinjete.

Stranke lijevog centra ocijenile su uvođenje vinjeta kao "predizborni bombon" kojim premijer Janez Janša želi osvojiti glasove motoriziranih birača. Nakon izbora, međutim, stranke ljevice, koje će uskoro sastaviti Vladu, tvrde da bi odustajanje od vinjeta bilo neodgovorno, ali da će nova Vlada možda pristati na kraće vinjete.

Premijer u odlasku Janez Janša nedavno je izjavio da će Slovenija morati uvesti kraće vinjete kako bi se riješio sadašnji prijepor s Bruxellesom koji bi u krajnjem slučaju mogao završiti na sudu i rezultirati globom za Sloveniju.

Predsjednik Slovenske nacionalne stranke Zmago Jelinčič pozdravio je u utorak stajalište Janšine Vlade i izjavio da Ljubljana ne smije pristati na diktat Bruxellesa.

http://www.net.hr/vijesti/europa/page/2008/10/28/0471006.html


 
Hina|Net.hr
28.10.2008.
HAP @ 23:12 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 3 | Prikaži komentare
President Chavez during the graduation of the second group of university students. (VTV)
President Chavez during the graduation of the second group of university students. (VTV)
Mérida, October 24, 2008 (venezuelanalysis.com)-- Almost 6,000 Venezuelan university students recently graduated through the government's scholarship program, and a further 700 doctors will graduate at the end of this year, significantly filling the shortage of professionals previously experienced by Venezuela.

On Wednesday 5,949 students who participated in the scholarship program known as Mission Sucre graduated in areas of administration (1,478 students), computing (1,205), social communication (247), agricultural production (95), environmental management (604), and social management for local development (2,235).

Mission Sucre is a program for including low-income Venezuelans in university level education, directed by the Ministry of Education, and created five years ago with the aim to municipalize university education.

Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez attended the graduation of the second finishing group of Mission Sucre students in Caracas together with simultaneous graduation events around the country.

Mission Sucre currently has 527,134 students and there are also 108,000 applicants registered to enroll in the Mission.  In his speech, Chavez described these students as forming part of the army to construct Venezuelan Socialism. He said the numbers were significant as indicators of the possibility of professional development that Venezuelan's have.

He added that although Venezuela still hasn't come out of the bog it was put in by previous governments, for many years it has started to come out of this situation, and therefore he urged the new graduates to be motors of the revolution and the new country that Venezuelans must construct.

On this, Juan Carlos Pimentel, one of the graduating students, said that Venezuela needs professionals with much social sensibility, and that Mission Sucre students are in contact with social reality, "and we want to put our preparation and knowledge at the service of the nation."

He added that education is "so the people have the tools to advance, without education we are week and the objects of manipulation and of the media war."

Chavez encouraged all the students to continue studying, because consciousness comes from knowledge, so "it is very important that the Bolivarian and socialist education model continue growing and expanding itself and improving in quality."
 
Of the BsF 177.5 billion (US$82.5 billion) assigned to the 2009 budget, BsF 41.5 billion (US$19.3 billion) have been assigned to education, an 18.2% increase from last year.

Of this, the Ministry of Education will receive BsF 25 billion (US$11.6 billion), and the Ministry of Superior Education has been assigned BsF 11 billion (US$5.1 billion).

Medical School Graduates

Also, 700 community medicine doctors will graduate from the National Experimental University Romulo Gallegos at the end of the year.

The minister for health, Jesus Mantilla, said, "Chavez has put a program of integral community medicine in progress that is the formation of the integral doctor in the communities. At the moment there are around 30,000 [doctors], including the pre-meds, measures that we have adopted to be able to fill this deficit of doctors that there was at a national level."

He said that under previous governments there were very few university places for doctors, and that this situation has dramatically turned around. In total, he said, there are 2,285 Venezuelan doctors across the country and next year 4,000 more doctors will be able to practice.

http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news/3900

HAP @ 18:10 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Tue, 10/28/2008 - 15:11

For
some years the student movement in Colombia has been the victim of
systematic persecution on the part of state agencies (DAS, OTP, CTI,
ESMAD, Army and National Police) and parastatals. In our memory are the
murders of 14 students between the years 2002 to 2006, the many
arrests, disappearances, torture and displacement that in recent years
have been filed against the students, or made subject to such agencies. 





Colombian
universities have been marked in recent decades by becoming a forum for
discussion, of struggles of ideas, to play a critical role to the
established order and to be generating a social conscience. In the past
six years the universities generated strong criticism towards the
government of Álvaro Uribe Velez and his democratic security politics.


In
line with this critical attitude by the universities, two weeks ago,
some lawmakers of the governing coalition are insist on referring to
universities, especially some public ones, as nests of bandits and
terrorists. Consequently they have kicked-off a campaign of
delegitimization and stigma with the help of the mass-media, where they
try to display any dissenting voice to the government, as an apology to
crime and terrorism.


We
reject the accusations made by leaders of the coalition government
assertions that serve as an excuse to state security agencies and
paramilitary structures, to once again attack the integrity of the
various members of the university community. Like those made on
September 16, 2008 by the director of the Department of Administrative
Security (DAS), Maria del Pilar Hurtado, pointing to student
organizations and academic secondary accusing them to belong to
insurgencies.


We
condemn any action that is generated by illegal armed groups or
security agencies of the state, also liable to the national government
headed by Álvaro Uribe Velez, Maria del Pilar Hurtado, director of the
Department of Administrative Security (DAS), the Attorney General Mario
Iguarán and Senator Gina Parody of the physical and psychological
integrity of all members (students, workers, teachers, retirees and
administrative expenses) of Colombian universities. 


We
call on all students of the world, social movements and national and
international community to show solidarity with the Colombian student
movement, to support a movement that today is a victim of one of the
most vicious campaigns of extermination to freedom of speech and
thought in Colombia.
 

no to the militarization of the universities 
no to the stigmatization of the student movement in Colombia 
no to the criminalization of Colombian students
  
 
general assembly of students  
University of Antioquia

http://www.emancipating-education-for-all.org/content/violation-human-rights-and-criminalization-colombian-students

HAP @ 18:05 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Kako je moguće da se na pogrebu "kontroverznom poduzetniku" Ivi Pukaniću pojave i notorni mafijaši kao što su braća Petrač i predsjednik Republike? Kako je moguće da predsjednik države javno prijateljuje s "novinarom" kojeg i državni mediji otvoreno zovu "kontroverznim" (čitaj: upletenim u razne sumnjive poslove, čitaj: mafijašem)?
Kako je moguće da se na to nitko ni ne osvrće u medijima?

Pitanja su retorička, dakako...

http://www.24sata.hr/util_scripts/get_slika_original.php?slika_id=137958&sid=1225193767396
HAP @ 12:32 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 3 | Prikaži komentare
Datum objave: 29.9.2008 | 13:56
Zadnja izmjena: 29.9.2008 | 15:20

PAD STANDARDA

Prosječna plaća u godini realno smanjena 0,5%

Autor/izvor: SEEbiz / Hina
ZAGREB - Prosječna neto plaća po zaposlenom u pravnim osobama u Hrvatskoj isplaćena za srpanj ove godine iznosila je 5.234 kune, što u odnosu na lipanj predstavlja nominalni rast od 1,3 posto, a realni od 1,2 posto, pokazuju podaci Državnog zavoda za statistiku (DZS).
Prosječna neto plaća za srpanj ove godine tako je bila je 67 kuna viša nego u lipnju, dok je u usporedbi s podacima za srpanj prošle godine povećana za 379 kuna, odnosno nominalno za 7,8 posto. Realno je pak prosječna neto plaća za srpanj ove godine u odnosu na prosjek za sedmi mjesec prošle godine bila niža za 0,5 posto. Za prvih sedam mjeseci ove godine pak prosječna je neto plaća iznosila 5.097 kuna te je prema istom razdoblju lani nominalno povećana za 6,5 posto, dok je realno ostala nepromijenjena.

Najviša prosječna neto plaća za srpanj ove godine isplaćena je u zračnom prijevozu te je iznosila 10.096 kuna ili 4.862 više od prosjeka. U vađenju sirove nafte i zemnog plina te s time povezanim uslužnim djelatnostima je prosječna plaća za srpanj iznosila 8.005 kuna ili 2.771 iznad prosjeka. U odnosu na isti mjesec prošle godine prosječna je neto plaća u zračnom prometu realno porasla za 1,1 posto, a u vađenju sirove nafte i zemnog plina te s time povezanim uslužnim djelatnostima za 19,4 posto.

Najniža prosječna neto plaća za srpanj ove godine isplaćena je zaposlenima u kožarskoj industriji i iznosila je 2.741 kunu ili gotovo 2.500 kuna manje od državnog prosjeka za srpanj. Nešto viših 2.867 kuna iznosio je pak prosjek u proizvodnji odjeće. Usporede li se najniže neto plaće za srpanj ove godine s onima iz srpnja lani, u kožarskoj su industriji prosječne plaće realno pale za 1,8 posto, a u proizvodnji odjeće su povećane za 3,5 posto.

Podaci DZS-a pokazuju i da je prosječna bruto plaća po zaposlenom u pravnim osobama isplaćena za srpanj ove godine iznosila 7.580 kuna, što je prema lipnju nominalno više za 1,4 posto, a realno za 1,3 posto. Prema srpnju prošle godine, bruto su plaće nominalno porasle za 7,3 posto, dok su realno smanjene za 1 posto.



http://www.seebiz.eu/hr/makroekonomija/hrvatska/prosjecna-placa-u-godini-realno-smanjena-0,5%25,26334.html

 

HAP @ 12:20 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Svijet još nema predodžbu kako će izgledati financijski sustav sutrašnjice

Očigledno, dubina i dinamika krize mnogo su ozbiljnije nego što se procjenjivalo. Zato će trebati mnogo energičnijih i bolnijih rezova da se stavi pod kontrolu, a posebno da bi se umanjili negativni učinci na realni sektor. Ipak, te se učinke neće moći izbjeći i posljedice krize bit će teške

Piše: dr. Žarko Primorac


Svjetska ekonomija prolazi kroz najtežu financijsku krizu u posljednjih 80 godina. Kriza je najprije zahvatila znatan segment američkoga financijskog sustava – kreditiranje nekretnina, a postupno se širila na bankarski sustav, osiguranje, fondove, burze. Iz američkih financija kriza se proširila na europske financije, bankarstvo, burze.Kriza se počela reflektirati i na realni sektor. Stopa rasta svjetskog BDP-a ozbiljno se usporava, padaju cijene nekretnina, neki industrijski sektori počinju trpjeti velike gubitke. Dosta znakova upozorava da se globalno gospodarstvo kreće prema ozbiljnoj recesiji.U pokušaju da spriječe širenje krize vlade i središnje banke glavnih zemalja poduzele su energične mjere upumpavajući svježi kapital u bankarski sektor. Osim toga, nekoliko velikih bankarskih imena u SAD-u i Velikoj Britaniji više ne postoje. Uz to, američka Vlada praktično preuzima neke banke, a isti scenarij slijede i neke EU zemlje.

U javnosti je vrlo rašireno stajalište da su financijsku krizu izazvali loši (subprime) hipotekarni krediti u Sjedinjenim Državama. Na tržištu nekretnina u SAD-u formirao se veliki balon (bubble), koji se počeo ispumpavati i to je pokrenulo krizni scenarij. Ali to nije primarni uzrok krize.

Svjedoci smo prije svega sistemske, rekli bismo konstrukcijske krize svjetskoga financijskog sustava. Utoliko je ona teža i drugačija od dosadašnjih. Temelji aktualnoga financijskog sustava postavljeni su u Bretton Woodsu, sredinom prošlog stoljeća. Kao stožer sustava utemeljen je američki dolar, na koji su fiksirane glavne valute, a on je vezan uza zlato. Tako konstruirano sidro funkcioniralo je sve do ukidanja konvertibilnosti dolara na početku sedamdesetih godina. Suspenzijom konvertibilnosti prekinuta je, makar i simbolična, veza između realne i financijske ekonomije.
Odatle ekonomija simbola, odnosno financijski sektor počinje nekontrolirano bujati. Transformira se tradicionalno konzervativno bankarstvo, rađaju se nove institucije, kreiraju se novi financijski proizvodi, tzv. financijske inovacije, opcije, derivati, futures i drugi. Zahvaljujući svemu tome, financijski sektor razvija se neovisno i neusporedivo brže od realne ekonomije.

Poticaj bujanju financija svakako je davala i prevladavajuća tržišna doktrina da je financijsko tržište samoregulirajući mehanizam i da ne može otići u ekstreme. Rast financijskog sektora i njegovu globalizaciju omogućavala je dinamična deregulacija, razvoj ‘tvrdih’ tehnologija – informatike i telekomunikacija, kao i razvoj ‘mekih’ tehnologija – sve brojnijih financijskih inovacija. Financijsko tržište postalo je globalno, razvili su se gigantski financijski subjekti, banke i ostali koji su postali ‘preveliki da bi propali’ (to big to fail). Usporedno s rastom financijskog tržišta razvijali su se i sustavi nadzora i regulacije, ali oni su u većoj mjeri ostali nacionalnog karaktera. Mnogi inovativni financijski proizvodi, posebno u sektoru investicijskog bankarstva, funkcionirali su izvan sustava nadzora.

Dominantan novčani medij za razvoj financijskog sektora bio je američki dolar. Zahvaljujući poziciji svjetske rezervne valute, dolar je omogućavao SAD-u da prima a ne daje, da kreditira a ne odriče se. Koristeći dominantnu poziciju dolara SAD je financirao svoju ekspanziju, uključujući i ratove. Američki budžetski deficit je nakon Reaganove, ali i Bushove administracije dosegnuo gigantske razmjere. Uz to, američki FED je vodio politiku niske kamatne stope. Manipuliranjem primarnom kamatom održavala se prividna ravnoteža i izbjegavale su su krize, koje su se razvijale devedesetih godina. Američka prime rate snižena je sa 6,5 na 3,5 posto u roku od svega nekoliko mjeseci nakon 2000. godine, a poslije napada na tornjeve u New Yorku na samo jedan posto godišnje. Naredna 33 mjeseca FED je održavao negativnu realnu kamatnu stopu. Na tim temeljima ekspandiralo je kreditiranje. Novac je bio jeftin i dostupan.

Posljedice ekspanzije kumulirale su se na tržištu nekretnina. Na tom segmentu balon se najbrže razvijao, ali počeo je i pucati. Mehanizam nastanka financijskog balona bio je vrlo jednostavan: banke su masovno odobravale kredite bez solidne procjene rizika i bez odgovarajućih kolaterala. Najčešće je bila dovoljna procjena da će cijene nekretnina dalje rasti. Kredite za kuće dobivale su i osobe bez zaposlenja, kao i one koje stvarno nisu bile u mogućnosti otplaćivati rate. U ekspanziji kreditiranja i ljudska je pohlepa igrala veliku ulogu. Banke su zarađivale goleme profite, a njihove uprave visoke bonuse. Stanovništvo je jednostavno dolazilo do kredita, a poslovna javnost bila je zadovoljna rastom cijena bankarskih dionica i uloga u fondove. Financijsko tržište njihalo se u zanosnom ritmu, slično lakom pijanstvu, za koje vrijedi stara izreka: Čovjek se sve bolje osjeća, a organizam propada.

Vesela glazba svirala je sve do prvih vidljivijih znakova krize: 6. kolovoza 2007. bankrotirala je American Home Morgage kao prva žrtva američkog tržišta nekretnina; 9. kolovoza BNP Paris je suspendirao svoja tri investicijska fonda vrijedna dvije milijarde eura radi toga jer je njihovo tržište 'nestalo'; Europska središnja banka upumpala je prvih 95 milijardi eura u bankarski sustav, a slično su postupili FED i Japanska središnja banka. Negativni slijed nastavljen je: 10. kolovoza, 13. kolovoza, 16. kolovoza… I dalje redom sve do Bear Stearnsa, Lehman Brothersa, AIG-a i drugih posrnuća. A odatle do širenja krize na Europu i cijeli svijet nije bilo daleko.

Osnovni financijski instrument pomoću kojega je financijsko tržište nekontrolirano raslo bili su financijski derivati. Korištenjem tih inovativnih proizvoda američke banke su 'prepakirale' loše hipotekarne kredite, osigurale prvoklasne kreditne rejtinge i preprodale ih investitorima u Europi. Tržište derivata glavni je segment globalnoga financijskog balona. Prema procjenama BIS-a, vrijednost važećih ugovora iz te oblasti na kraju 2007. iznosi 600 bilijuna dolara, što je 11 puta više od vrijednosti svjetske proizvodnje. Prije desetak godina vrijednost toga financijskog segmenta iznosila je 'samo' 75 bilijuna dolara. Najbrže rastući financijski derivat, poznat kao CDS (Credit Default Swaps), koji je omogućio osiguravanje nekretninskih kreditnih proizvoda, narastao je na 55 bilijuna dolara, što je više od vrijednosti ukupnog američkoga stambenog fonda.

Gore smo dijelom objasnili korijene i mehanizme financijske krize. Ona iskazuje i druge osobine, koje nisu bile karakteristične za prijašnje pojave. Sadašnja je kriza mnogo kompleksnija, ne samo zbog dubine i rasprostranjenosti nego i zbog složenosti međunarodnih ekonomskih odnosa, posebice pozicije Kine i Indije kao nastupajućih svjetskih ekonomskih kolosa.

Aktualnu krizu prati još jedna specifičnost, a to je odlučnost vlada i središnjih banaka ugroženih zemalja da ovladaju negativnim procesima. Premda su reakcije vlada u ranim fazama krize bile prilično mlake, one u posljednje vrijeme ispoljavaju visoku odlučnost. Osigurava se likvidnost bankarskog sektora, preuzimaju se neke banke, zaoštrava se regulativa. Na te su mjere burze početno pozitivno reagirale, ali i dalje vlada velika neizvjesnost. Očigledno je da je dubina i dinamika krize mnogo ozbiljnija nego što se procjenjivalo. Zato će trebati mnogo energičnijih i bolnijih rezova da se stavi pod kontrolu, a posebno da se umanje negativni efekti na realni sektor. Ipak, te efekte neće biti moguće izbjeći i posljedice krize bit će teške.

Kao što je rečeno u uvodu, ovo je kriza sistema. Kako god se okončala, ostavit će duboke posljedice na strukturu svjetskoga financijskog sustava. Mnogo toga u financijama, organizaciji financijskih institucija, njihovoj ulozi i funkcioniranju, financijskim proizvodima, metodama regulacije i nadzora temeljito će se promijeniti. Malo ljudi ima predodžbu kako će izgledati financijski sustav sutrašnjice. Ipak, jedno je sigurno: nakon krize ulazimo u razdoblje kada će ekonomska uloga države biti mnogo izraženija. Razdoblje tržišnog fundamentalizma, kao vladajućeg načela u posljednjih dvadesetak godina, bit će potisnuto. Hoće li to značiti i kraj dolarskoga novčanog standarda i formiranje posve nove financijske paradigme ostaje da se vidi.

http://www.liderpress.hr/Default.aspx?sid=57731

HAP @ 02:11 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

October 25th 2008, by James Suggett - Venezuelanalysis.com

Communication and Information Minister Andres Izarra (ABN)
Communication and Information Minister Andres Izarra (ABN)
Mérida, October 24, 2008 (venezuelanalysis.com)-- Venezuelan Communication and Information Minister Andrés Izarra introduced a media project Thursday that will inform and remind Venezuelans about the achievements of Venezuela's "Bolivarian Revolution" and counter what Izarra called the "media terrorism" waged by the corporate-controlled media against the administration of President Hugo Chávez.

"We are launching an effort to break through the media siege, and to bring to light the true Venezuela, where good-hearted people are people working to improve the health, culture, and welfare of all Venezuelans, for a Venezuela of faith and hope," Izarra declared.

The project, named Venezuela de Verdad (True Venezuela), will be an "avalanche" of information meant to prepare Venezuelans to see through the "constant media manipulation and dirty propaganda" by opposition groups, said Izarra.

The campaign will include a widely-distributed, short book that documents the government's social programs, promotion of "oil sovereignty," and other achievements over the past decade since Chávez was elected.

As an example of false opposition claims, Izarra pointed out the advertisements funded by opposition groups that say the government plans to seize private property of Venezuelan citizens, issue food rationing cards across the country, and that the Cuban doctors who work in government-funded free community health clinics are actually spies.

Regarding private property, the minister said the government has helped the poor and middle classes to obtain, for the first time ever, their own homes and small and medium-sized businesses, and he pointed out that the government has paid indemnity for all property it has nationalized from transnational companies, in accordance with the national constitution.

Izarra specified that the ministry is launching Venezuela de Verdad one month before the state and local elections, because during pre-election periods the opposition typically intensifies its media campaign.

http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news/3901

HAP @ 00:28 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
ponedjeljak, listopad 27, 2008

Poziv na tribinu "Koji izbor za Ameriku?"


Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu, Hrvatsko američko društvo i Hrvatsko društvo Fulbrightovaca organiziraju tribinu na Filozofskom fakultetu u četvrtak, 30. listopada 2008. u 18.30 sati u dvorana D-VI pod naslovom: "Koji izbor za Ameriku?" - povodom predstojećih predsjedničkih izbora u SAD-u.

Na tribini sudjeluju:

  • Prof.dr.sc. Ivo BANAC, Filozofski fakultet, Zagreb; sveučilište Yale, New Haven, SAD;
  • Prof.dr.sc. Ivan GRDEŠIĆ, Fakultet političkih znanosti, Zagreb; bivši veleposlanik RH u SAD;
  • Rajko GRLIĆ, redatelj, gostujući predavač na Sveučilištu Ohio;
  • Prof.dr.sc. Vedrana SPAJIĆ-VRKAŠ, Filozofski fakultet, Zagreb; Hrvatskodruštvo Fulbrightovaca.
Na početku tribine bit će prikazani isječci iz dokumentarnih filmova o predsjedničkim kandidatima, senatorima Johnu McCainu i Barracku Obami.


verzija za printer / print it 24.10.2008

http://www.ffzg.hr/index.php?cid=1001&page=0&rowid=6744&show=article

HAP @ 15:20 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Danny Schechter: We need to stop all foreclosures


In part two of our interview with Danny Schechter, Danny provides up-to-date information about the housing crisis in the US. With 21 million families now finding their homes worth less than their remaining mortgage payments, the banks are being forced to readjust the loans in order to keep people in their homes. Danny also outlines some of the grassroots work that is being done in order to stem the tide of evictions. One organization that has a long history of work in this area is ACORN, and Danny believes that the voter registration scandal surrounding ACORN is more illusion than substance, created as a distraction from the important issues of the day.


http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=2634
HAP @ 14:03 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Media and bailout failure

Danny Schechter: The effects of the financial meltdown are spreading as the bailout fails to work


Danny Schechter, "The News Dissector," is a former network TV producer, radio newscaster, and edits MediaChannel.org. He has written nine books on media themes. His latest, 'Plunder', was inspired by his latest film, In Debt We Trust: America Before The Bubble Bursts

http://therealnews.com/t/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=31&Itemid=74&jumival=2629
HAP @ 13:29 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Zanimljv članak iz lanjskoga Novog lista
(11. ožujka 2007.)

U njemu, među ostalim, sindikalist Vilim Ribić kaže da je sindikat naručio istraživanje koje je pokazalo da ne postoji apsolutno nikakva korelacija između studenata koji plaćaju i ne plaćaju faks i njihove uspješnosti na fakultetu tj. brzine završavanja fakulteta, što empirijski ruši jedan od glavnih argumenata protiv besplatnoga fakultetskoga obrazovanja.
HAP @ 12:59 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
HAP @ 12:11 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Indigenous arrive in Cali




Tens of thousands indigenous protesters arrived in Colombia's third largest city Cali Saturday. Organizing indigenous organizations expect over 50,000 protesters to be in the capital of Valle del Cauca when they speak with Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Sunday.

Bolivian President Evo Morales, one of the prominent international figures invited to join the protesters said Friday he isn't able to come. It's uncertain if other international invites will be able to come.

The natives hope to be joined by other groups like labor activists, truckers and cane cutters that have been demanding improved working conditions for weeks.


Indigenous leaders will meet Uribe Sunday morning to discuss their five point proposal to improve the situation of approximately one and a hald million natives in Colombia.

http://colombiareports.com/colombian-news/news/1810-indigenous-arrive-in-cali.html

Uribe leaves indigenous waiting three hours

Indigenous leaders canceled their appointment with Colombian President Álvaro Uribe after he let them waiting in vain for three hours. The indigenous and president were to meet in Cali after a 4 day protest march.

By the time the president arrived on the location where the talks would be held, the indigenous leaders had left already.

uribe talked to the crowd by megaphone, but was ignored by the tens of thousands of protesters. The leaders continued to refuse to talk to him.


Approximately 40,000 native Colombians had come to Colombia's third largest city to demand better healthcare, education, the return of stolen land and protection from paramilitary groups.



http://colombiareports.com/colombian-news/news/1817-uribe-leaves-indigenous-wait-three-hours.html

HAP @ 12:01 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
nedjelja, listopad 26, 2008
Pozdravni filmić za svjetske studentske prosvjede 5. studenog:


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gNwqzQMAbT8
HAP @ 23:52 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Privatizing Education

by Michael Perelman


Education is an essential part of modern economic progress, yet in recent decades, the right wing has consistently been unfriendly to public education. For example, the Walton family’s donation of $20 billion to help conservative causes was weighted toward the privatization of public education. The right wing expresses a number of objections to public education. Some religious conservatives protest that public education collides with their most cherished theological beliefs. The most public examples are sex education and the gap between the scientific explanation of evolution and a fundamentalist religious belief about God’s creation of the world.

The financial community looked forward to the establishment of educational maintenance organizations, so named to suggest that profit oriented schools would prosper in an education market, much like the health maintenance organizations (HMOs) that have taken over much of the medical care in the United States. Given the abominable reputation of the HMOs, the publicists for privatized education, with their eyes on skeptical public opinion, strategically renamed the educational maintenance organizations as educational management organizations.

Public education made an equally inviting target for politicians, who enthusiastically scored points with their constituents by expressing deep concern for the children left behind. The same business and political leaders who cynically decry the sorry state of public education are largely responsible for the problem that they now call upon private education to solve. They callously starved public education of needed support. Some continue to do so with glee.

Because schools that serve blacks tend to be substantially inferior to schools that serve affluent whites, many blacks have understandably lost faith in the public school system. The appeal to some blacks of the privatization of education is understandable. Although segregation is unconstitutional in the United States, it remains embarrassingly common in schools. This separation is more economic than racial, but black populations tend to be concentrated in poor areas. Public schools largely depend upon local property taxation. Because schools that serve the poor are generally located in areas with low property values, poor children rarely get the same educational opportunities as children from more affluent families.1

For example, in 1989, Chicago spent some $5,500 for each student in its secondary schools, compared to some $8,500 to $9,000 for each high school student in the highest spending suburbs to the north. In New York during 1986–87, funding per student was $11,300 in the upper-middle-class Long Island suburbs of Manhasset, Jericho, and Great Neck; $6,400 in the largely working-class suburb of Mount Vernon; and $5,600 in the high-minority New York City public schools. Three years later, the figures were $15,000, $9,000, and $7,300 respectively. Although the proportionate change was equal, the absolute changes favored the already rich districts.2

Even if poor, urban schools within a particular school district were to receive nearly equal funding, they still must spend their resources differently. Schools that service poor students have more need for special education, counseling, security, and so on. To make matters worse, because teaching in poor schools is frequently more challenging than teaching in more affluent settings, many more experienced teachers prefer to teach in suburban schools, leaving impoverished schools with a greater proportion of less qualified instructors. For example, teachers in schools with a large share of minority students are less likely to have a master’s degree. Higher salaries could attract more qualified teachers to those schools, but such funding is nowhere on the horizon.3

Suburban schools are generally newer, while inner city and, to a lesser extent, rural schools are often in a state of disrepair. As a result, the poorer school districts face higher costs of operating their physical plant than the more affluent suburban schools. For example, a General Accounting Office report to Congress noted that “one third of the nation’s 80,000 public schools are in such poor repair that the fourteen million children who attend them are being housed in unsuitable or unsafe conditions.”4 Jonathan Kozol described a rather extreme instance: the Martin Luther King Junior High School in East St. Louis, Illinois, where sewage repeatedly backed up into the school, including the food preparation area.5

In California, a state often equated with perpetual prosperity, many students have appallingly limited educational opportunities. The American Civil Liberties Union filed a suit, Williams et al. v. State of California (1999), which charged:

Many students lack textbooks of any kind. Other students must rely on illegible or incomplete photocopies provided by teachers when and if teachers have time and the individual resources to make the copies....Sometimes three or four students to a book with no opportunity to take the book home and study for homework....Sometimes as few as 13 percent of the teachers have full non-emergency teaching credentials....Some California public schools...simply do not provide enough basic supplies, such as pencils, crayons, paper, and scissors.

These educational inequalities are inexcusable. Rather than immediately addressing these inequities, for years the state wasted scarce resources in fighting the suit.

The children of the poor lack virtually every conceivable advantage over and above those already mentioned. Poor children are more likely to grow up amidst greater family tensions, have poorer nutrition, and suffer from serious health problems, including lead poisoning, which affects mental abilities.6 Their connections and their role models all fall well short of those of the well-to-do. Where children grow up with the disadvantages of poverty, go to impoverished schools, and get virtually no feedback, they are unlikely to develop the sort of skills that legal market forces will reward. Obviously, conventional roads to success are unlikely to be open to them.

A simple psychological experiment illustrates the deep inequities built into the educational system. A pair of psychologists gave teachers the results of a test that supposedly predicted which students would be “late bloomers.” The test proved remarkably accurate, except that there was no test at all. Instead, the psychologists just chose students at random. The teachers’ acceptance of these results strongly affected the way they treated their students. The students, in turn, responded positively, and this helped lead to educational success, except for the majority of students who were not predicted to succeed.7

Class background creates something analogous to the fictitious test that purported to measure children’s ability to improve in the near future. Teachers immediately recognize the stigmas of lower-class life in their students, especially if the children entrusted to their care are not white. Teachers have little reason to expect such children to succeed. After all, relatively few of such children have succeeded in the past. The children, in turn, are likely to perform according to the teachers’ low expectations, confirming what the teachers believed all along.

Even the successes, such as those resulting from the “late bloomer” experiment, may only be temporary. Herbert Kohl’s heart wrenching book, 36 Children, tells the story of how a gifted teacher recognized students’ potential and inspired them to excel. The rest of the educational system then worked to snuff out the children’s earlier successes, possibly making them worse off than if they had been consigned to failure all along.8

Critics of public education ignore the lost potential of young people destroyed by such inequities; instead they berate the educational system for bloated administrative structures that do little to promote education. They never mention that a never ending flow of mandates accounts for a good part of this administrative bureaucracy.

For example, the cynically named No Child Left Behind Act requires that schools spend inordinate amounts of money for testing. The estimated annual direct costs of testing are $400 million.9 Because of the penalties that schools face for poor test performance, school systems have little choice but to spend even more money for services that are supposed to improve test results. The money spent on these tests of dubious value could easily be spent on more productive activities.

However, from another perspective, this diversion of funds into nonproductive channels is welcome. By deflecting schools from education, the emphasis on testing undermines public education and further fuels those calling for outright privatization.

Given the disastrous conditions of public education for the poor, conservatives piously call for the privatization of education without any suggestion that once they have achieved their goal they would follow up their victory with tax increases sufficient to give the new system a chance to work. Instead, these politicians pretend that the imagined savings supposedly made possible by the supreme managerial efficiency of private business will be more than enough to finance the improvement of education—a promise similar to those once made by advocates of health maintenance organizations.

Other promoters of privatized education relish a tactical opportunity to create a divide between blacks and teachers’ unions, whose members reliably vote Democratic. In an answer to the question: “What do you look for in an issue to go after or to recommend to the Republican Party to pursue?” Grover Norquist, head of Americans for Tax Reform and one of the most influential Republican strategists in Washington, responded:

Does it divide the left? School choice reaches right into the heart of the Democratic coalition and takes people out of it. It divides the left because the teachers’ unions are on one side and all the parents of poor children are on the other and it makes Bill Clinton choose between poor parents and teachers’ unions.10

Barbara Miner cited a number of other right-wing leaders and organizations who echoed Norquist’s sentiments, including Terry Moe, a senior fellow at the conservative Hoover Institution and coauthor of the book, Politics, Markets, and America’s Schools:

[The issue comes down to] a matter of power....[The National Educational Association and American Federation of Teachers] have a lot of money for campaign contributions and for lobbying....They also have a lot of electoral clout because they have many activists out in the trenches in every political district....No other group can claim this kind of geographically uniform political activity. They are everywhere. [School vouchers are a way to diminish that power.] School choice allows children and money to leave the system, and that means there will be fewer public teacher jobs, lower union membership, and lower dues.11

Not surprisingly, “conservative foundations that also support taxpayer funded vouchers for private school students and charter schools operated independently of traditional school district supervision” have begun to fund rival teacher’s organizations, such as the Alabama Conference of Educators.12

Supporters of the privatization of education insist that school vouchers that allow students to purchase education in the free market will eliminate the inequities in education. However, if the right-wing gambit to finance education through vouchers succeeds, the debate will quickly shift. The first step will be to make vouchers means tested, meaning that people earning above a certain income will no longer be eligible. In the process, education will become redefined as an entitlement, like other welfare programs. Programs for the poor inevitably become poor programs. Soon, taxpayers will protest having to subsidize the undeserving; they will demand that schools eliminate their “frills.” The outcome will be that the politicians will relieve the rich of much of the tax obligation of supporting education, while the poor will see their educational opportunities degrade even further.

Privatization will add to the profits of corporations that fund the conservative initiatives, while, as Grover Norquist and Terry Moe have noted, dividing those who suffer most under the current system from the teachers’ unions. Teachers’ unions oppose privatization of education on several grounds. They question that the state will be able to monitor and control the quality of private education. Private providers will have the advantage of being able to cherry pick by excluding difficult students or students with special needs. Because public education will have to service most of the physically and emotionally disabled students, they will have difficulty matching the results of the private providers, unless the latter prove to be absolutely incompetent. Finally, even though schoolteachers are already underpaid, private providers will be freed from union contracts and will be able to make employment conditions much less favorable. For service workers, such as custodians, the switch to private employers will be even harsher.

When teachers’ unions highlight how teachers will suffer economically with these changes, the right wing portrays teachers as just another special interest group, who put their own selfish needs ahead of those of the poor, especially black, students in their care. Teachers, of course, bear little responsibility for the inequities of the public school system, but the right wing has been very effective in painting teachers’ unions as public enemies. The rhetoric has become so heated that on February 23, 2004, Secretary of Education Rod Paige actually went so far as to call the teachers’ National Education Association a “terrorist organization.”

Lost in these debates is the sad fact that no major political party seems ready to come to the aid of public education, which has long been a mainstay of the U.S. economy. The economic effects of privatization will not be felt immediately. Over time, however, as a larger share of the workforce suffers the handicap of inferior education, the negative effect on all aspects of society will be unmistakable.



Notes

1. Martin Carnoy, Faded Dreams: The Politics and Economics of Race in America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994).
2. Jonathan Kozol, Savage Inequalities: Children in America’s Schools (New York: Crown, 1991).
3. Gerald Bracey, “The Eighth Bracey Report on the Condition of Public Education.” Phi Delta Kappan 80, no. 2 (October 1998): 112–20.
4. United States General Accounting Office, School Facilities: America’s Schools Report Differing Conditions, GAO/HEHS-96-103 (Washington, D.C.: USGPO, 1996).
5. Jonathan Kozol, Savage Inequalities: Children in America’s Schools (New York: Crown, 1991).
6. See Gaudio Weiss, Andrea Del, John W. Fantuzzo, “Multivariate Impact of Health and Caretaking Risk Factors on the School Adjustment of First Graders,” Journal of Community Psychology 29, no. 2 (March 2001): 141–61.
7. Robert Rosenthal, “Interpersonal Expectancy Affects: A 30-Year Perspective.” Current Directions in Psychological Science 3 (2002): 176–79.
8. Herbert Kohl, 36 Children (New York: New American Library, 1967).
9. Tiffany Danitz, “States Pay $400 Million For Tests In 2001,” Stateline.org, (February 27, 2001), http://www.stateline.org/live/ViewPage.action?siteNodeId=136&
languageId=1&contentId=14274.
10. John Berlau, “Grover Norquist Takes on the Tyranny of Federal Taxation,” Insight (January 26, 1998).
11. Barbara Miner, “Why the Right Hates Public Education,” The Progressive (January 2004): 22–24.
12. Daniel Golden, “Nonunion Teacher Groups Cost NEA Membership and Clout,” Wall Street Journal (July 28, 2004).



Michael Perelman teaches economics at California State University at Chico and is the author of fifteen books, including Manufacturing Discontent: The Trap of Individualism in Corporate Society (Pluto Press, 2005) and Railroading Economics: The Creation of the Free Market Mythology (Monthly Review Press, 2006). This essay is from his forthcoming Fouling the Nest: How Right-Wing Extremism and Business Incompetence Destroy American Prosperity.

http://www.monthlyreview.org/0306perelman.htm
HAP @ 19:21 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 10 | Prikaži komentare
Studenti će 5. studenog 2008. opet izići na ulice kako bi prosvjedovali za besplatno visoko obrazovanje. Danas gotovo 60% studenata plaća svoje obrazovanje, neprestano se uvode nove školarine, a one već uvedene se sve više povećavaju (26 000 kn za izvanredne studente na Ekonomiji npr.). Prosvjed počinje u podne u srijedu 5. 11. kod Mimare. Pozivaju se svi studenti, profesori, roditelji, srednjoškolci/budući studenti i ostali da dođu!

Kao inspiracija, podsjetimo se kako je to bilo prije pola godine:

http://uk.youtube.com/watch?v=E2D8zBKJv3g&feature=channel

HAP @ 18:09 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
24.10.2008

Pritisak investitora

Autor: Zelena akcija

Zbog poduzetničkih zona mijenja se Zakon o šumama, što otvara Pandorinu kutiju privatizacije i devastacije hrvatskih šuma, upozorava Zelena akcija
Kako bi se olakšala prenamjena šumskog zemljišta u poduzetničke zone, 15. listopada 2008. na dnevni red 6. Sjednice Hrvatskog sabora dodan je PRIJEDLOG ZAKONA O IZMJENI I DOPUNAMA ZAKONA O ŠUMAMA, S KONAČNIM PRIJEDLOGOM ZAKONA, koji je zbog velikog pritska investitora i bez ikakve javne rasprave protuzakonito i neopravdano upućen u hitnu saborsku proceduru. Ono što nas posebice iznenađuje jest i to da se Saborski odbor za zaštitu okoliša pridružio ostalim odborima te na sjednici 22.10. izglasao pozitivno mišljenje.

Zelena akcija smatra da je ova izmjena zakona zadnja karika koja omogućava privatizaciju i devastaciju šumskog zemljišta u vlasništvu Republike Hrvatske. Već su i zadnje izmjene Zakona o šumama (NN br. 82, 21. 7. 2006.) omogućile prenošenje prava vlasništva s države na jedinice lokalne samouprave (gradove i općine) što je otvorilo mogućnost daljnje privatizacije i devastacije šuma građenjem na šumskom zemljištu.

Prilikom prijenosa prava vlasništva nema nikakvih zakonskih jamstava da to isto pravo vlasništva lokalna samouprava neće prenijeti (prodati) na fizičke i pravne osobe koje tada sa šumskim zemljištem mogu raditi što ih je volja. Najnovijim izmjenama Zakona o šumama predlaže se da država daje šume i/ili šumsko zemljište gradovima i općinama radi izgradnje poduzetničkih zona i to samo na temelju urbanističkog plana uređenja, bez ikakvih definiranih zakonskih kriterija za provođenje ovog postupka, što je protivno principima zaštite šuma.

Napominjemo kako inventarizacija šuma i šumskog zemljišta, odnosno kartiranje šuma još nije završeno, a taj proces ima za cilj odrediti više i manje vrijedna šumska područja i može biti osnova za eventualnu prenamjenu zemljišta u neku drugu svrhu. Također treba reći da se u ovom slučaju ne radi o prenamjeni šumskog područja u poljoprivredno, što bi omogućilo podizanje nasada u degradiranim šumskim područjima krša pri čemu bi se smanjila opasnost od šumskih požara podizanjem nasada maslina i vinograda, već se radi o prenamjeni šumskog zemljišta u nedefinirane poduzetničke zone bez ikakvih kriterija i jamstva da će se na prostoru bivšeg šumskog zemljišta doista realizirati poduzetničke zone. Nadalje, ne govori se samo o prenamjeni šumskog zemljišta koje se katastarski vodi kao šumsko zemljište (npr. degradirani stadiji mediteranskih šuma – makije, garizi i kamenjari), već se omogućava i prenamjena samih šuma. Pritom nigdje nisu spomenute ekološke vrijednosti šuma i njihovih degradacijskih stadija niti je utvrđen postupak procjene utjecaja na prirodu i okoliš ovakvih prenamjena.

Izmjene Zakona su poslane u hitnu saborsku proceduru bez ikakve javne i stručne rasprave, što svjedoči o velikom pritisku lokalnih investitora na šumsko zemljište. Kako se šume i šumsko zemljište mogu navesti pod sastavnice okoliša, onda je temeljem Zakona o zaštiti okoliša (NN 110, 25.10.2007), koji je u tom slučaju krovni zakon, prekršen njegov članak 141. koji izričito navodi:

Tijela javne vlasti dužna su osigurati pravovremeno i učinkovito sudjelovanje javnosti u postupku izrade zakona i provedbenih propisa te ostalih opće-primjenjivih pravno obvezujućih pravila iz svoje nadležnosti, koji bi mogli imati značajan utjecaj na okoliš, uključujući i postupke izrade njihovih izmjena i i dopuna.


Stoga apeliramo da saborske zastupnike da glasaju protiv ovih izmjena Zakona o šumama te tražimo da se u skladu s Programom Vlade RH 2008. – 2011. koji navodi zabranu privatizacije šuma ponište i zadnje izmjene Zakona o šumama iz 2006.
HAP @ 09:19 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
24.10.2008

Rođačka posla

Autor: Jutarnji list

Limenku za odmor ZET-ovih zaposlenika Grad Zagreb je platio tri milijuna kuna ili deset puta više od realne cijene. Izvršitelj radova Bandićev je kum.
Radnici i kontrolori ZET-a prošli utorak su na zagrebačkom Črnomercu dobili novi objekt za odmor, odnosno prostor u kojem će preuzeti svoju smjenu u vozilima ZET-a. Svečano ga je otvorio zagrebački gradonačelnik Milan Bandić, ponosno rekavši da su radovi stajali oko tri milijuna kuna.

Budući da taj objekt ima 83 četvorna metra, običnom matematikom došli smo do podatka da je jedan kvadrat plaćen 5009 eura. Radove je izvodila zagrebačka tvrtka Tigra, čiji je vlasnik Milan Penava. Prema izjavama dvojice bliskih Bandićevih suradnika, Milan Penava gradonačelnikov je kum.

Stigle tri ponude

Cijena građevinskog kvadrata poslovnog prostora na tržištu je deset puta manja. Ne treba zaboraviti da su poslovni prostori najskuplji. U potrazi za odgovorom na pitanje zašto je zagrebačko Poglavarstvo platio deset puta veću cijenu, kontaktirali smo Grad Zagreb, koji je investitor, Arhitektonski fakultet, koji je radio projekt, tvrtke koje su se javile na natječaj, Projektni biro Naglić, koji je vršio nadzor, te Bandićeva kuma koji je obavio radove.

Zagrebački čelnici se pozivaju na javni natječaj proveden na prijelazu sa 2007. na 2008. godinu. Kažu da su stigle tri ponude, tvrtka Georad je ponudila 3,06 milijuna kuna, a tvrtka Instal Prom 3,51 milijun kuna.

Bili su najjeftiniji

Kriterijem najjeftinije, izabrana je ponuda Tigre od 2,97 milijuna kuna. Nakon brojnih upita dopustili su nam uvid u dokumentaciju, na desetak minuta. Kopiju dokumentacije odbili su nam dati. U jednom od odgovora na naše upite, kao luksuz su naveli protuklizne keramičke pločice i sanitariju vrhunske kvalitete koju su namijenili vozačima i kontrolorima ZET-a.

No, prilikom uvida u natječajnu i projektnu dokumentaciju došli smo do podatka da je Arhitektonski fakultet pri izradi projekta 2003. godine procijenio da bi kompletni radovi uz 10 posto nepredviđenih troškova koštali 700.000 kuna.

Pomoćnica pročelnika za graditeljstvo Vesna Lubin, koja je u ime Grada vodila projekt, obrazložila je razliku od 700.000 kuna iz 2003. godine do 3,8 milijuna kuna iz 2008. godine činjenicom da su građevinski materijali poskupjeli. Uz to, prije raspisivanja natječaja Grad je izračunao da bi ih postavljanje tog objekta moglo stajati do 3,8 milijuna kuna, što je više od 6000 eura po četvornome metru. Iako smo je tražili, Grad nam nije dao kopiju dokumetacije.

Ne sjećaju se ponuda


Kako bi provjerili cijene građevinskih kvadrata, nazvali smo dvije vrste tvrtki. Tvrtka Colliers International, koja se bavi konzaltnigom za nekretnine, rekla nam je kako je cijena četvornog metra poslovnog prostora od 500 do 600 eura. Tvrtka Batista gradnja, kojoj smo poslali detaljan tehnički opis objekta, rekla nam je da bi cijena trebala biti od 600 do 700 eura.

Vodstvo tvrtki koje je Tigra pobjedila na natječaju u prvim razgovorima tvrdilo je da se ne sjeća natječaja i svojih ponuda. U tvrtki Instal Prom najprije su nam rekli da ne postavljaju kućice, nego samo kopaju kanale. U Georadu su, pak, prvo rekli da kvadrat takve limene kućice s najskupljom opremom ne smije biti skuplji od 500 eura. Poslije su oba direktora, Robert Hruškar iz Instal Proma i Božo Ivančić iz Georada, priznala da su im cijene napuhane.

Obje tvrtke inače često posluju s Gradom Zagrebom pa je Georad protekle godine na natječajima dobio poslove vrijedne gotovo 30 milijuna kuna. To je četiri milijuna eura za tvrtku koja, kako kaže njezin direktor, radi samo s Gradom Zagrebom. Instal Prom je radio poslove vrijedne nekoliko milijuna kuna.

Bespravna vikendica

Stručni nadzor je radio Projektni biro Naglić, koji nam je odbio dati informacije o svojem radu. Kažu da su radili samo nadzor materijala i kvalitete, a da je cijena utvrđena prije.
Bandić, tvrde upućeni, nikada za Penavu nije intervenirao da dobije posao za Grad Zagreb.
Dodatna objašnjenja su odbili dati rekavši da su partneri Zagreba i dodali: Kako ćemo dobiti opet posao u Gradu Zagrebu ako komentiramo cijenu?

Tvrtka Tigra široj je javnosti postala poznata 2000. godine, kada su njezini bageri viđeni na gradilištu bespravne vikendice Milana Bandića na Slava Gori kraj Samobora. Bandić je uspio dobiti dozvolu od Grada Samobora i spriječiti rušenje. Od te se afere Milan Penava u medijima spominje kao Bandićev kum, što niti jedan od njih dvojice nikada nije demantirao. Kumstvo između njih dvojice potvrdilo nam je nekoliko gradskih političara, ali i nekoliko Bandićevih suradnika.

Milan Bandić nikada nije intervenirao da Tigra dobije posao u Zagrebu. Taj čovjek ima velikih problema zbog svoje kumstvene veze s Bandićem, rekao je jedan Bandićev suradnik.

Bandić na internom kolegiju


Izvalio sam jezik do poda dok sam na farovima auta jutros na parkiralištu čitao da je kvadrat te kućice plaćen pet tisuća eura, tim riječima je, kažu naši sugovornici iz Gradskog poglavarstva, Milan Bandić otvorio interni kolegij.

Ja za to nemam pojma. Nazvao sam Heraka (Mirko Herak, pročelnik Gradskog kontrolnog ureda) da provjeri te cijene, rekao je Bandić svojim suradnicima.

Kako doznajemo njega i njegove suradnike je jako iznenadila cijena četvornog metra koji je plaćen. Zaposlenici gradske uprave i Bandićevi suradnici tvrde da u zagrebački gradonačelnik nije znao ranije za taj slučaj iako je on osobno prošli utorak otvorio novu ZET-ovu kućicu na Črnomercu.
HAP @ 09:01 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 1 | Prikaži komentare
24.10.2008

Ekološke diverzije

Autor: Labin.com

Duh ekološke borbe u stilu Greenpeacea u Istru je donio Patrik Juričić, jedan od osnivača labinske udruge Pineta
Kada se prije dva tjedna iznad ulaza na Titov trg, između Triona i Velog kafea, pojavio transparent s napisom Hvala vam, političari, što dovodite zagađivače! Pineta, javnost je znala da je ovdašnja ekološka udruga ponovno udarila u stilu Greenpeacea.

Još je bliže tome bila diverzija izvedena krajem srpnja kada je ispod prozora gradonačelnikova ureda obješen napis Legalni etnocid, ali joj je nedostajao potpis.

Budući da su mediji pisali da smo partizani jer noću dižemo neke bune, akciju Torion odlučili smo provesti u osam sati navečer, tako da nas svi mogu vidjeti.

Učinit ćemo to opet na boljem mjestu i u bolje vrijeme, kaže Alen Trdoslavić, jedan od osnivača Ekološke udruge Pineta.

No, onaj tko je duh globalnog ekološkog terorizma donio u grad, i to u samu njegovu jezgru, nije on, već Patrik Juričić, drugi časnik palube na Greenpeaceovu brodu Rainbow Warrior.

Ukrcao se prošle godine i u tom relativno kratkom razdoblju potrošio poprilično adrenalina.
Sudjelovao sam u akcijama na Sredozemlju, u Indiji i Indoneziji. Blokirali smo luke i brodove, održavali predavanja o smanjenju emisija ugljičnog dioksida i spašavanju klime, objašnjava on.

U dva navrata događaji su krenuli dramatičnim tokom.

Nakon što smo blokirali brod u Bejrutu, zarobila nas je vojska. Bili smo izolirani na brodu i nismo smjeli izlaziti. Kasnije su nam ipak dopuštali izlaske u grad. Napeto je bilo i u Indoneziji, kada smo blokirali luku i na brodu napisali poruku za spas klime. Policija i vojska pokušale su nas odvući, što mi nismo dali, pa su pokušali zauzeti palubu. Srećom, odustali su od toga, priča Patrik svoje doživljaje.

Ekološka svijest probudila mu se tijekom studiranja u Rijeci, pa se 1992. godine uključio u tamošnju udrugu Stribor.

Po povratku u Labin jedan je od inicijatora osnivanja Pinete 1997. godine. Posljednjih godinu dana njihove su aktivnosti, zajedno s ostalim istarskim ekološkim udrugama, usmjerene protiv Tvornice kamene vune Rockwool.

Prigodom posljednjeg velikog prosvjednog skupa ispred ulaza u tvornički krug jedna njegova eko-subverzivna ideja prošla je poprilično zapaženo. Realizator je bio Branko Lukšić.

Član sam i udruge Naša zemlja jer mi je kampanja od Rockwoola udaljena desetak metara. Toga dana me Patrik zvao mobitelom i pitao bih li mogao ispred tvornice zapaliti svijeću za sve one koji će zbog nje doživjeti to što će doživjeti. Ljudi su me malo čudno gledali, ali rekli su da smo se dobro dosjetili, ispričao nam je Lukšić.

S trojicom prijatelja razgovarali smo u Pineti, više od stotinu godina starom parku ispod istočnih gradskih zidina po kojemu su nazvali udrugu. Kažu da su oni prvi koji su ga prije jedanaest godina počeli uređivati i natjerali Grad da nešto uloži u njega. Redovito prate stanje borova koji čine njegovu srž.

Ove godine je, vele, opažen veći broj srušenih stabala, ali se zato češće viđaju vjeverice.
HAP @ 08:55 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
24.10.2008

Naknadna pamet

Autor: SEEbiz

Bivši čelnik američke središnje banke i financijski guru Alan Greenspan priznao je kako su njegove pogreške doprinijele ekonomskoj krizi
Greenspan, koji se na čelu američke središnje banke nalazio gotovo dva desetljeća i donedavno bio smatran najvećim financijskim autoritetom u svijetu, tvrdi kako je današnja ekonomska kriza financijski tsunami koji se događa jednom u stotinu godina i priznao kako je njegovo izbijanje pospješeno odbijanjem da se novi regulatorni mehanizmi.

Izjavio je i kako je šokiran razmjerima krize. Ovih dana javnost je bila pomalo začuđena nejavljanjem Greenspana koji je uobičajeno kritizirao svaki potez sadašnjeg čelnika FED-a Bena Bernankea. Izgleda da je za skrivanje imao dobar razlog – bio je u krivu!

Tako je i priznao vlastitu odgovornost u odbijanju da postave čvršće regulatorne mehanizme u trgovini derivativima, kao i trgovini nekretninama, gdje je dugogodišnji bum doveo do euforije, ali i poplave loših hipotekarnih kredita koji su s vremenom otrovali banke i druge financijske institucije.

Bivši čelnik američke središnje banke je te riječi izrekao pred kongresnim Odborom za nadzor i vladinu reformu, prenosi Reuters. Tamo ga je predsjednik Odbora. demokratski zastupnik Henry Waxman, podsjetio na njegove riječi o tome kako je slobodno tržište uvijek superiorno vladinoj regulaciji.

Greenspan je rekao kako je bio šokiran i u nevjerici kada je shvatio kako su banke propustile provesti adekvatni nadzor prilikom trgovanja.

Osim Alana Greenspana pred kongresnicima je morao odgovarati i Christopher Cox, sadašnji predsjednik Komisije za vrijednosne papire (SEC) te John Snow, bivši Bushov ministar financija.

82-godišnjem Greenspanu mnogi predbacuju da je odbio poslušati upozorenja o mogućoj krizi i uvesti regulacije zbog vlastite ideološke dogme o nadmoći slobodnog tržišta, a koja se pripisuje njegovom bliskom prijateljstvu s Ayn Rand, spisateljicom poznatom kao osnivač objektivističke ideologije ekstremnog kapitalizma.

Greenspan je odbacio te kritike i tvrdi da se kriza nije mogla predvidjeti. Ako smo u stanju predvidjeti 60 posto onoga što će se dogoditi, možemo smatrati da smo vrlo dobri. Ali to znači da smo još uvijek u krivu u 40 posto slučajeva, rekao je američki financijski guru.
HAP @ 08:44 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
::22/10/2008::
About 10,000 students took to the streets of Dublin this afternoon to voice their opposition to the possible reintroduction of student fees. The Union of Students of Ireland - which arranged today's protest - claims that the imposition any additional costs would be a disaster for students and their families, and would put the idea of a knowledge-based economy at risk.

22/10/2008 - 15:44:45
About 10,000 students took to the streets of Dublin this afternoon to voice their opposition to the possible reintroduction of student fees.

The march proceeded from Parnell Square to the gates of Leinster House at Kildare Street, where the protestors – some carrying placards or banging drums - gathered and chanted slogans.

University presidents have been putting pressure on the Government to approve the move, but it was not part of the Budget measures announced last week.

Instead, Finance Minister Brian Cowen decided to increase the annual college registration fee by €600.

The Union of Students of Ireland - which arranged today's protest - claims that the imposition any additional costs would be a disaster for students and their families, and would put the idea of a knowledge-based economy at risk.

Source: http://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/mhidmhauaukf

::20/10/2008::
At least two students were arrested at UCD (Ireland) last night during a protest against the proposed re-introduction of third-level fees.
Around 100 students gathered at the college's Clinton Inst. as Finance Minister Brian Lenihan arrived to chair a function. The minister had to enter through a side door after the protestors staged a sit-down blockade outside the building.
They say they were protesting against the possible return of third-level fees and the €600 increase in annual college registration fees announced in last week.
HAP @ 00:13 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
subota, listopad 25, 2008

Tuesday, October 21, 2008

Morales and Opposition Agree to a January 25 Vote on New Constitution


Morales and Opposition Agree to a January 25 Vote on New Constitution

Just before 1pm – before a crowd 100,000 strong, that packed Plaza Murillo so tightly that even elbow room was scarce – President Evo Morales signed into law a measure setting a January vote on his party's embattled proposal for a new constitution.

Approval of the law caps a process that began more than two years ago with election of delegates to a constitution-writing Constituent Assembly. That process ran through a national battle over how many votes should be required to approve it; violence over demands by Sucre that it be named the country's capital; a political showdown in a voter referendum last August; and finally a week of violence in September in Pando and Santa Cruz that left more than 30 people dead.

The vote by Congress today was supported by more than 2/3 of its members and by Morales' MAS party along with the three major parties of the opposition, PODEMOS, UN, and MNR. The vote on the constitution is set for January 25, 2009.
[Here is a link to The Democracy Center's November 2007 briefing paper: Re-Founding Bolivia: A Nation's Struggle Over Constitutional Reform and other articles we've published on the constitutional reform process.]

How did Bolivia Get Here?

How did Bolivia – a nation so polarized that serious analysts spoke of 'civil war' – arrive at a place of such startling agreement (at least on the decision to hold a vote)? Three events were key.

The first was the August 10 elections. Before then the political duel between Morales and his opponents, most notably the renegade governors, seemed roughly balanced. It was an election launched by one of Morales' fiercest opponents among the governors, Cochabamba's Manfred Reyes Villa. But when the votes were counted, 67% of Bolivia's electorate sided with the President and both Reyes Villa and the governor of La Paz, another Morales adversary, were trounced out of office.

After months of the opposition talking tough it turned out that all their bluster had only solidified Morales' base more broadly behind him.

The second event that led to today's agreement was Bolivia's own version of 9/11, the massacre on that date in Pando that left more than 30 campesino backers of Morales dead. Coming on the heels of opposition mobs in Santa Cruz torching and looting public buildings there, the opposition combined its loss at the polls with a loss of whatever moral authority it might have had up until then. The balance of political clout tilted quickly and heavily toward Morales.

Finally, there is the intervention just after the Pando massacre of the other South American Presidents. Led by the two women, Cristina Fernandez of Argentina and Michelle Bachalet of Chile, the continent's leaders wasted no time in weighing in diplomatically. At a summit held in Chile with Morales at the center the Presidents made clear that he had their support, told opposition leaders to forget any dreams they might have had about independent deals to sell gas and oil from their departments, and called on all sides to negotiate.

Those negotiations began in Cochabamba nearly a month ago and stretched into La Paz this week, given added urgency by a 200 kilometer march to the capital of tens of thousands of Morales supporters demanding a national vote on the constitution. Opponents had criticized the march as it headed toward La Paz, deeming it a violent mob.

But as the multitudes camped overnight in the historic plaza at the steps of Congress, the sounds were not of smashing windows, but of music and song. A starker contrast could not be found between that scene and the one hosted by Morales opponents just over a year ago in Sucre, when they used violence to shut down the Constituent Assembly.

What Did Evo Give Away?

It will take a while to get the details on exactly what was negotiated in the last days in La Paz. At first glance it seems like plenty.

Of the 411 articles in the proposed constitution, more than 100 were modified in some way according to Bolivian news reports. Opposition leader Jorge Quiroga of PODEMOS, Morales' chief opponent in the 2005 election, was boasting on CNN mid-afternoon that his party had secured more than 200 different changes. Among them are significant concessions from MAS on provisions dealing with the media and establishment of mechanisms for "social control" of public agencies, something that had been a key demand from Morales backers.

Bolivian news reports also say that Morales has agreed to recognize and support the autonomy statutes approved in four departments. One newspaper, Los Tiempos, also reported that the key issue of land reform had been delegated to "future action." What that means precisely is more than unclear. The devil is in the details and the details have yet to be fully analyzed.

The issue, however, that leapt to the forefront in the final negotiations was one simple to understand and close to the heart of the politicians on both sides – presidential re-election. Under Bolivia's current constitution presidents may not serve consecutive terms. It is five years than out, though they can seek to return to office five years later, as Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada did in 2002.

Originally Morales and MAS wanted unlimited opportunities for re-election. That eventually got negotiated, in the document approved by the Constituent Assembly, down to letting the President seek just one additional term. But since it was not to include the five-year span Morales is currently serving, the chance at two additional terms translated out to the possibility of a Morales presidency through 2019, a poison scenario for the opposition.

The compromise worked out this week, and the basis for Congress' approval, is a concession by Morales that the term Morales would seek would count. If approved in January, the new constitution would allow Morales to campaign for just one more consecutive term, in elections that would be held in December 2009. That limits Morales' potential presidential horizon to 2014, a substantial concession.

Two Long Roads

Bolivia's constitutional story is one of two long roads.

The first is the one that led to today. The demand for a constituent assembly, which goes back decades in many indigenous communities in Bolivia, was envisioned originally as a process that excluded politicians and political parties. The idea was to create, at a national level, a process akin to community decision making at the local level. The people would be sovereign and the politicians and parties would have to sit on the sidelines and watch.

That vision of things went out the window fast and early when, shortly after taking office in 2006, Morales and MAS had to negotiate with their opponents in Congress to win approval of a law convening the vote for delegates to that Assembly. In a deal mutually beneficial to politicians of all parties, they were not only let back into the process but put in charge of it. Candidates had to be affiliated with a political party to run, and the Assembly ended up looking pretty much like Congress, but with another name and a less-decorated meeting venue.

The scrambled negotiations this month between Morales and the Congress put the political icing on a political cake. In the end it was not an Assembly of the people or a process of long deliberation that did the final sculpting of Bolivia's likely new Magna Carta. It was politicians acting in haste to cut a deal.

The other long road is the one that comes next. In any nation, but in Bolivia especially, the distance between words on paper and actual changes in people's day-to-day lives is measured not in weeks or months but in years and decades. What difference a new constitution will make in terms of broader economic opportunity, deeper accountability of government, or greater social justice is unclear.

Nevertheless, for those who have invested great hope and emotion in the fight for a constitution they want to call their own, today is a historic day in Bolivia. Given Morales' strong backing in August, it seems unlikely that he and his supporters will have trouble securing the simple majority support they will need in January. So the constitution approved by the Congress seems clearly headed for enactment.

It is also a historic day for those who favor peace over conflict. Once again, after having looked over into the abyss, the nation has inched itself back onto the ledge. In Bolivia the "most dangerous road in the world" is not the one that foreigners dare on mountain bikes that stretches from La Paz to Coroico. The most dangerous road in Bolivia is the one that marks the route for political change. Today that road looks both a little more hopeful, and a little safer as well.

http://www.democracyctr.org/blog/2008/10/morales-and-opposition-agree-to-january.html



HAP @ 01:15 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
petak, listopad 24, 2008
24.10.08.   Starost: 4 h

Hrvatska vlada prihvatila je sklapanje sporazuma o nagodbi s talijanskim Astaldijem, dok će za Hypo banku pravni eksperti u suradnji s novim ministrom pravosuđa procijeniti da li sklopiti nagodbu ili pokušati pravnim sredstvima ići u pobijanje odluke arbitraže iz Londona.

 

Nagodbom je dogovoreno da se Astaldiju, vezano uz slučaj koncesijskog ugovor za gradnju 97 kilometara autoceste Zagreb-Goričan, umjesto 64,9 milijuna eura isplati ukupno 44,35 milijuna eura u tri obroka.

 

Revizori pak ubuduće naknadu za svoj rad ne bi plaćali na temelju tarife revizorskih usluga, već će se kod naknade za tu komercijalnu reviziju poštovati načela tržišne utakmice, prijedlog je izmjena Zakona o reviziji čiji je konačni tekst Vlada uputila Saboru.

 

Izmjenama se predlaže ukidanje tarife o revizorskim uslugama, s ciljem poštovanja načela tržišne utakmice i u tom segmentu.

 

Revizorskom tarifom mnogim je trgovačkim društvima cijena za tu uslugu "skočila" nekoliko puta, primjerice s 10 na 30 tisuća kuna, podsjetio je ministar financija Ivan Šuker.

 

Zakonske izmjene područje revizije usklađuju s europskom regulativom, pa se regulira i rad stranih revizora. Izmjenama se javni nadzor nad revizijom prenosi na novo tijelo - Odbor za javni nadzor revizije - koji bi obavljalo nadzor rada Hrvatske revizorske komore i revizora.

 

Vlada je izviještena i o provedbi Operativnog plana za suzbijanje trgovine ljudima. Prema podacima koje je iznijela potpredsjednica Vlade i ministrica obitelji Jadranka Kosor, ove godine u Hrvatskoj je zabilježeno pet slučajeva trgovanja ljudima.

 

Od 2002. zabilježeno je ukupno 74 žrtve trgovanja ljudima, od čega je 27 državljana Hrvatske, kazala je Kosor.

 

Vlada je dala i jamstvo na zajam kojim će Svjetska banka s 84 milijuna eura sufinancirati projekt modernizacije Luke Rijeka, ponajprije lučkih terminala i usluga Luke. Hrvatska će u tom projektu sudjelovati s 4 milijuna eura proračunskog novca.

http://www.hrt.hr/index.php?id=48&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=18701&tx_ttnews[backPid]=23&cHash=e9e51c08ad



HAP @ 22:44 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

   

Nation Reporters And Afrol News
Nairobi

Major African economic blocs on Wednesday signed an agreement to accelerate creation of an ambitious 527 million economic community.

This will be the largest on the continent, spanning Cairo to Cape Town, with Nairobi at the centre. At maturity, citizens will move freely within the member countries.

The agreement in Kampala by chief executives of the three regional trading blocs draws a roadmap for an ambitious pan-African project.

Including Southern African Development Community (SADC), East African Community (EAC) and Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (Comesa, the historic project seeks convergence of trade and investment regulations in the three trading blocs as well as the free movement of persons.

Areas of co-operation include exchange of information and expertise and mobilisation of resources for implementation of activities of common interest and capacity building.

The signing is seen as commitment to creating a free trade area among three blocs with a combined population of over 527 million people and combined GDP of $624 billion.

Speaking at the opening of tripartite summit on Wednesday, President Mwai Kibaki said African countries needed integration to face realities of globalisation.

He said countries have recognised that individually, they were poorly equipped to compete on the global marketplace.

"The decision we took to form regional economic blocs was therefore simply dictated by the existing realities at the time...We have now come to a point where it is evident that our regional economic groupings must come together to craft a trading bloc that reflects the new dynamics," noted president Kibaki.

Further, it would accelerate the continent's dream of African Economic Community.

"The tripartite summit provides an opportunity to establish a cooperation framework and create an environment in which millions of people can be lifted out of poverty," Mr Kibaki added.

Tripartite summit has brought delegates from 26 member states from three blocs who will discuss matters related to enhancing cooperation among EAC, COMESA and SADC, three of the eight regional economic communities, recognised under AU conventions as the building blocks for the African Economic Community (AEC) and continental unity.

Also on agenda of the summit are issues of multiple memberships in the three communities.

Relevant Links

The tripartite summit is considered as historic because for the first time, since birth of AU, key building blocs of AEC are meeting on how to integrate territories and moving towards deepening and widening integration as envisaged by the Abuja Treaty for the establishment of AEC.

HAP @ 16:39 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Obama on Latin America

As Election Day draws near, presidential candidates John McCain and Barack Obama repeatedly have focused their attention on such key foreign policy issues as the Iraq War and the global financial crisis. U.S. policy toward Latin America, on the other hand, has been notoriously absent from figuring in recent presidential debates or stump speeches, as both candidates seek to win over last-minute voters by reiterating their campaign platforms on domestic and foreign policy topics of high public concern. An exception to this was Obama’s brief reference to the Colombian government’s seeming indifference to the killing of labor leaders in that country with impunity, mentioned in the last presidential debate.

Nonetheless, Barack Obama has developed his policy agenda on U.S.-Latin American relations throughout the course of his presidential campaign. Beginning with an appearance at the Cuban-American National Foundation in May 2008, he set forth the proposal that the U.S. should foster a new era of hemispheric relations based upon mutual understanding and respect for national sovereignty. Similarly, the Senate voting record of vice presidential candidate Joe Biden reveals his position on regional matters, which over the years has seldom strayed from a standard approach to regional issues. This is not to suggest that there was a golden age sometime in the past when pundits came forth with erudite perceptions on how to advance enlightened U.S. regional policies fostering constructive engagement and a quest for equality and social justice.

The Obama Platform on Latin America


America is not only a member of the hemispheric chorus, but a player as well. Barack Obama’s first serious effort at exhibiting a position on U.S. policy toward Latin America occurred in May 2008. Following an appearance at the Cuban-American National Foundation, a conservative Miami exile group, Obama released his 13-page “A New Partnership for the Americas” plan, which outlines three major regional policy issues that his administration would tackle if elected to office: (1) political freedom/democracy, (2) freedom from fear/security, and (3) freedom from want/opportunity.

Obama’s aim to foster political freedom within the hemisphere relies on the necessity of governments to address the needs of their people “in a democratic and sustainable way.” Obama has stated that he will promote the expansion and reform of democratic institutions, and has stressed that the U.S. must work with democratic-left governments (including Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez). U.S.-Latin American relations under the Bush administration have languished as a result of “a misguided foreign policy with a myopic focus in Iraq…its policy in the Americas has been negligent to our friends,” Obama says. The U.S. must now re-establish a relationship with Latin America based on its willingness to promote democratic development, and abandon the tradition of supporting only those regimes which directly advance the U.S.’s narrowly defined national interests. In addition, according to the candidate, the U.S. must refrain from tying personal relationships to foreign policy initiatives, as epitomized by President Bush’s close ties with his ideological soul-mate, Colombia’s President Uribe. According to Obama, the strengthening of democracy will at its core address the protection of human rights, as well as support the rejection of de facto coups and autocratic practices. The U.S. will foster democratic institutions by strengthening democracy at home – habeas corpus will be restored, Guantanamo Bay will be closed, and torture and indefinite detention will end. Within Latin America, strong civil societies, accountable police forces, and organizational transparency will be promoted. Nonetheless, critics on the left of Obama’s Latin America program contend that his proposals neglect to effectively engage some of the most challenging new developments emerging in the hemisphere, despite the fact that Obama has attempted to break with prevailing U.S. policy toward the region in several fundamental ways.

Obama views Cuba as a case in point for the strengthening of democratic institutions in the Americas. He will work to free up the sending of remittances from family members in the U.S. to relatives on the island and the right to travel to the island by Cuban-Americans. He believes that the “empower[ment] of the Cuban people” should be prioritized in order to reduce their dependence upon the regime. Yet, Obama does not support a clear end to the U.S. embargo on Cuba, which he believes should remain in place to act as leverage in encouraging positive democratic change on the island. This same sense of caution reflects his thinking on Hugo Chavez’s Venezuela for which he has used somewhat harsh language to distance his campaign from Chavez’s fierce populism. With respect to U.S.-Cuba relations, critics of Obama’s Latin America platform cite that the Democratic candidate is lagging well behind the leading edge of revisionist thinking on the issue now taking place in this country.

Criminality
According to Obama, U.S.-Latin American security policy should focus on the issues of transnational gangs, violence, drugs, and organized crime. Gang activity has proliferated throughout the Central American countries of Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala, and into Mexico, and its impact has spilled over into U.S. civil society. The Democratic presidential candidate says he will step up U.S. security efforts in Central America to stem the flow of gang-related crime and narcotrafficking, as well as formulate regional strategic cooperation on personal security issues. The professionalizing of the police and judicial branches of these countries should be emphasized, corruption targeted for abatement, and a hemispheric pact on security issues signed. In breaking with more traditional views of U.S.-Latin American policy, which tend to view drug and arms trafficking, illegal immigration, and gang activity as agenda items which must be addressed by the U.S.’s southern neighbors, Obama realizes the need to create a “comprehensive strategy on regional crime that addresses the U.S.’s contribution to the problem.”

In dealing with security measures, Obama highlights the crucial roles of Mexico and Colombia in promoting regional cooperation. Mexico plays a central role in the production and shipment of drugs such as marijuana, cocaine, and methamphetamines; Obama supports the continuation and expansion of the newly implemented Merida Initiative in order to roll back rampant violence, corruption, and drug and arms trafficking throughout the region. He believes that security cooperation should extend beyond U.S.-Central American relations to include further security measures developed in the rest of Latin America. He has committed himself to combat the Mexican drug cartels, and establish relations with other Latin American countries to decrease both the supply and demand for drugs. Additionally, he supports the continuance of U.S. aid to Colombia to fight narcotrafficking and strengthen civilian institutions. He also has defended Colombia’s recent incursion into a FARC guerrilla camp based in Ecuador, stating that Colombia has a “right to strike terrorists who seek safe-haven across its borders.” Commentators argue that Obama has ignored the human rights violations countenanced by the Uribe government as well as its highly qualified and quasi-democratic regime, which include scandals involving both his own political party and right-wing death squads that still operate in the country.

Barack Obama’s stance on economic development in the Western Hemisphere centers on an increase in U.S. foreign aid, vocational training, micro-finance, and community development-which is little better than a conservative development plan. He will attempt to achieve the Millennium Development Goals, will work to decrease the prevalence of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, and increase global education. He will cancel the debts of Paraguay, Guyana, St. Lucia, Bolivia, Haiti, and Honduras, as well as those of other countries around the world which have been designated as “heavily-indebted poor countries.” Obama will seek to reform the IMF and World Bank, and establish fair trade that promotes labor and environmental standards. In addition, the WTO will be encouraged to enforce mutually advantageous trade agreements. Obama opposed CAFTA and a U.S.-Colombia FTA, and will seek to amend the provisions of NAFTA to increase its benefits for American workers.

The Democratic candidate believes that the U.S. immigration system must be reformed by creating tighter border security and ensuring a just path to citizenship which “reaffirm[s] our heritage as a nation of immigrants.” He seeks to work with Latin America on addressing climate change and energy security, taking particular note of expanding the partnership with Brazil to share technology, develop markets for biofuels, and create greener methods of energy consumption. Other important measures that the Obama administration must deal with include the preservation of the Amazon rainforest and the fight against deforestation through economic incentives.

What about Joe Biden?

Several of Barack Obama’s proposals consistently agree with those long entertained by Joe Biden. Like Obama, Biden disagrees with the detainment of prisoners at Guantanamo Bay. He believes that the rules of NAFTA must be reformed, and has opposed the FTA with Central America. Biden asserts that free trade agreements must include provisions for labor rights and environmental standards, echoing Obama’s arguments for fair trade. Washington Post staffer Marcela Sanchez’s recent article reports Biden’s concern over the rampant inequality faced throughout Latin American society, an issue also addressed by Obama in his “A New Partnership for the Americas” plan. According to Sanchez, Biden maintains that he “has fought to address the root cause of the…instability that has plagued the region, particularly in recent years: social inequality.”

On immigration reform, Obama and Biden seek to increase border security as well as enact provisions to absorb undocumented workers and their families presently living in the U.S. Similarly, both voted to create a 700-mile long fence along the U.S.-Mexico border under the Secure Fence Act of 2006. Biden and Obama agree that the U.S. should ease up on restrictions limiting remittances and travel to Cuba for Cuban-Americans, as well as promote the development of small business on the island, without actually lifting the embargo. Both Biden and Obama are supporters of continued aid to Colombia, under the terms of Plan Colombia.

Analysis of the Democratic Platform: A Brighter Future for U.S.- Latin American Relations?
Public reactions to the Latin American component of the Democratic platform have been mixed. On one side, supporters of Obama have asserted that his stance on Latin America represents a fundamental break with the rigidity of past U.S. policies toward the region, a move which will cause the U.S. to view Latin America less as a junior partner with only localized military security issues and more as a sovereign highly pluralized neighbor that insists on autonomy. The Democrats emphasize that in the age of globalization, the U.S. cannot afford to nurture failed policies that treat Latin America solely as a strategic playing field for parochial U.S. regional interests narrowly defined. In the words of The Huffington Post’s Laura Carlsen, “U.S. relations with Latin America can no longer be seen as a regional foreign policy box.” President Bush has abandoned Latin America to concentrate on the promotion of U.S. national interests in the Middle East. An example of this is the lack of sufficient quality time allocated to allow for the full flowing of substantive development in relations between the U.S. and Latin America, which has created a power vacuum that has been filled by strong, often intensely ideological figures such as Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez and Bolivia’s Evo Morales, both populist politicians who have sought greater innovation and experimentation for Latin America as a function of the region’s reaction to George Bush’s unpopular presidency. To Obama’s Latin Americanist supporters, now is the time to communicate to the hemisphere that the U.S. must foster greater and more freely given political, economic, and security cooperation in a policy based on equality, respect, and mutuality.

Obama’s “A New Partnership for the Americas” plan reflects Franklin D. Roosevelt’s “Four Freedoms” speech, delivered in the wake of World War II and meant to provide a world vision based on political and religious freedom, freedom from want, and freedom from fear. Roosevelt’s presidency was responsible for the formulation of the Good Neighbor Policy; by constructing his Latin American platform upon FDR’s legacy in the region, Obama has shown a willingness to foster a more cooperative and perhaps a more creative era for hemispheric relations. The Good Neighbor Policy grappled with issues of national sovereignty and development, renounced military intervention, and gave Latin America ample space to establish its own reforms free of heavy-handed U.S. interference accompanied by brazen diktats. Supporters of Obama’s pledge toward Latin America foresee that Obama’s initiatives and spirit could begin to reverse the U.S.’s reputation as the “colossus of the north,” ushering in an updated version of the Good Neighbor Policy that could carry U.S.-Latin American relations to a new level of sustainability and hemispheric autonomy, if he decided to do so.

Others are not so sure that an Obama administration would be willing or able to form a comprehensive, functional strategy with respect to U.S.-Latin American relations that will not be held hostage by some of the extremist ideologies found to be at work in Miami and exile centers in the U.S. and elsewhere. Obama chose Joe Biden as his running mate due to his foreign policy expertise. Despite the fact that Biden has played a key role in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, he only has traveled to Latin America on four occasions. As for Obama, he never has even been to Latin America. Biden states that NAFTA should be renegotiated and opposed FTAs with Chile, Peru, and Central America on the grounds that they failed to incorporate proper environmental and labor standards. Nevertheless, his critics fairly or unfairly argue that Biden is just pandering to the sectarian interests of U.S. labor unions. While Biden was campaigning for his presidential bid in 2006, he called Mexico an “erstwhile democracy” and a “corrupt system” that can be blamed for fostering illegal immigration and wielding a chaotic role in narcotrafficking. Biden’s statement, while containing more than a grain of truth, largely ignores the fact that the U.S. contributes to the illegal immigration and drug trafficking phenomena through the exploitation of grossly underpaid migrant workers needed for “cheap labor” enterprises in the U.S. and the insatiable domestic demand for illegal narcotics.

Obama supports the extension of the Merida Initiative to create a more comprehensive regional security bloc within the Western Hemisphere. The Merida Initiative was proposed by President Bush as the keystone of his U.S.-Central America security plan, and is focused on the provision of military and police aid to Mexico (with much smaller amounts to Central American countries) to fight organized crime and drug cartels. It is a complete truism that the military and legal structures in Mexico and Central America have suffered from a history of corruption and human rights abuses, and critics of current U.S. policy argue that increasing military aid to the region only increases the capacity of local authorities to abuse power of an already deeply flawed law enforcement system. The Merida Initiative is in many ways similar to Plan Colombia, which provides military and police aid to fight narcotrafficking and organized crime there.
In Colombia, human rights and labor violations have been committed by the military and paramilitary groups on a massive scale; the vast majority of the aid granted to Colombia by the U.S. is utilized for military purposes, and only a small fraction of Plan Colombia’s funds are allocated to the protection of human rights. Biden has voiced his support of Plan Colombia, and Obama seeks to continue the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, stating that “we need to continue efforts to support Colombia in a way that also advances our interests and is true to our values.”

It remains unclear, however, whether Senator Biden is even aware of the vast corruption of the Uribe presidency, the continued human rights violations that the present regime sanctions, and the autocratic tendencies chronically exhibited by Uribe, who is hardly a democratic figure. This is why last night’s reference to Colombia by Obama was so important. In 2007, he also had sent a letter to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice stating that the U.S. must balance its military aid to Colombia with social and economic reforms. Nevertheless, four recent letters (two to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, one to then-Undersecretary of State Nicholas Burns, and one to President Uribe himself) regarding human rights abuses in Colombia lacked his endorsement.

Obama has stated that he will open dialogue with democratic-left regimes to instill the notion throughout the Western Hemisphere that the U.S. will operate without an ideological litmus test, nor will it only engage with Latin America only when Washington considers U.S. national interests at play. Critics argue that Obama’s policy proposals toward Latin America are at times muddled – at the same time that Obama supports unqualified dialogue with leftist hemispheric governments, he defends Colombia’s raid on a guerrilla camp in Ecuador to track down members of FARC. Such an act on Bogota’s behalf has been viewed by a number of Latin American left-leaning regimes as well as some OAS members as a violation of international law and Ecuadorian national sovereignty. But Obama has insisted that Bogota has a right to go beyond its national borders to weed out terrorists who seek refuge in order to attack Colombia. Likewise, Obama promotes an extension of the Merida Initiative, but fails to mention that Colombia and Mexico–new prime recipients of U.S funds, are the two principal conservative governments in Latin America and are the only ones likely to be interested in such an initiative. While Obama may support discourse with democratic-left regimes, it is unclear whether he will be able to reach consensus in negotiating policy initiatives with Latin America’s more left-leaning governments, through a willingness to make meaningful concessions. Obama presents an invitation to create a new partnership with Latin America, but cites Brazil, Colombia, and Mexico as examples of countries with which the U.S. will forge new economic, political, and security ties. There is barely enough here for regional leaders to even take note of. Obama may not be so quick to partner with such candidates as Venezuela, Ecuador, Cuba, Nicaragua, and Bolivia in strengthening U.S.-Latin American relations, whatever his new open door policy may seem to be.

Final Conclusions
While the complete nature of Obama’s Latin American platform remains to be seen, there is no doubt that Obama’s stance on hemispheric affairs will differ from that of the Bush White House, but not so much from Clinton’s regional policy which was barely discernable from Reagan-era area policy. At the same time, the Democratic nominee does not appear to be particularly sure-footed on regional affairs, and could disappoint avid U.S. Latin Americanists now associated with the Democratic Party. Drawing on the ideologies of FDR’s “Four Freedoms,” Obama could represent a break with the failed policies of the past. Obama has underscored the idea that the U.S. should be prepared to enter into dialogue with every nation in the region, be it friend or foe. Through it all, he has maintained his posture that the U.S. should speak to regional leaders without preconditions, despite outspoken criticism from right-leaning U.S.-based Cuban and Venezuelan exile groups. Yet, at other times he appears to hedge on this position.

Obama’s selection of Joe Biden as his running mate raises many questions as to the ultimate pertinacity of Obama’s policy initiatives toward the region. Professor Greg Weeks, an innovative analyst based at the University of North Carolina has characterized Biden as “Mr. Status Quo” with respect to U.S. policy toward Latin America, and as such he may present a challenge to the implementation of the liberal reforms Obama has promised as the Democratic candidate for the presidency. At the same time, Biden and Obama have agreed on a variety of key issues with respect to the area. As Biden’s foreign policy experience lies primarily within the realm of Middle Eastern affairs, he may prove responsive to approaching Washington’s dealings with Latin America in a new and more imaginative approach.

Yet, it must also be remembered that U.S. authorities traditionally have sought to promote this country’s own national interests as projected onto Latin America, and not necessarily those of intrinsic interest to Latin America. In this respect, take the issue of Honduran President Zelaya’s extremely bold statement of a long overdue position on drug legislation after having met up with the U.S. philanthropist George Soros. Though Obama asserts that he will encourage a new era of U.S.-Latin American cooperation built on respect for sovereign governments, nevertheless, he will be forced to contend with competing influences in Washington which favor the maintenance of the U.S.’s current stance within the region, particularly in dealing with Cuba and Venezuela, and a prejudice in favor of orthodox development strategies.

Obama’s choice of Greg Craig as a foreign policy adviser may prove to be a valuable asset to his administration’s policy potential in formulating a more rational and innovative approach toward Latin America. Craig has voiced support for a multilateral approach toward dealing with the region, as well as stressed the need to encourage free elections and the recognition of democratic governments. Craig also has sought to promote fair trade standards that consider the heavy social costs of free market economics, and he favors hemispheric ties over bilateral agreements. He would have the Obama government concentrate on education, health care, poverty, and other social justice issues as major U.S. policy concerns within Latin America, instead of focusing mainly on traditional concerns such as trade opportunities, narrowly defined security interests, and northward drug flows. According to COHA Research Associates Michael Katz and Chris Sweeney, Craig can provide the vision that “Washington needs in order to mend the divide between the U.S. and the new left in Latin America” (see COHA’s “Obama Adviser Greg Craig: A Man of Merit,” August 19, 2008).

Dan Restrepo, an Obama senior adviser on Western Hemispheric affairs, has argued that the U.S. must work toward a “partnership with countries throughout the Americas so that democracy, opportunity, and security” are broadcast everywhere in the region. Like adviser Greg Craig, he asserts that the U.S. must encourage fair trade agreements throughout the region. Like Obama, he opposes the ratification of a U.S.-Colombia FTA, citing human rights abuses and violence committed against labor leaders as factors which must be considered in the negotiation of free trade deals. Greater opportunity for Latin America should come through “bottom-up” strategies of economic and social improvement.

If Obama is elected, the strengths and weaknesses of his policies toward Latin America will rely upon his ability to remain committed to a broad-range approach to the region in spite of conflicting interest groups and pressures. Whether he will move to the conservative or liberal side of his platform depends on his capability to work against tendencies resisting change among Washington policymakers. The policy position of the extreme right will remain clustered around Senator McCain’s Latin American adviser, the aptly designated Otto Reich; simultaneously, Obama will be forced to deal with moderate Clinton Democrats who favor free trade policies and a relatively hard line approach towards Castro’s Cuba and Chavez’s Venezuela.

Obama’s promises to induce reform with respect to the U.S.’s stance on Latin America provide hope for regional cooperation, and offer a chance to turn the tide on the U.S.’s hitherto flawed position in its relationship with the countries south of its border. Historically, presidential candidates often make promises just to get into office, and then fail to honor them. Given that Latin American issues are rarely critical to U.S. presidential campaigns, Obama’s proposals may prove to be empty, or they may in fact offer the possibility of a real change in hemispheric relations. Colombia offers an excellent opportunity for Obama to distinguish between President Uribe’s faux democracy and the real thing. In this instance it becomes symbolic of what could prove to be a real distinction behind Obama’s regional policy.

This analysis was prepared by COHA Director Larry Birns
HAP @ 00:30 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
četvrtak, listopad 23, 2008
Here a little update regarding the latest student protests around the world:


::16/10/2008::
As many as 10,000 people took to the streets of Rome (Italy) in protest at proposed cuts in education funding. Demonstrators fear the cuts will result in the loss of 86,000 teaching jobs. Another 44,000 administration posts could also be lost, amounting to a 17 percent reduction in the number of jobs in education across the country.
Source: http://www.euronews.net/en/article/16/10/2008/anger-over-italys-education-cuts

::19/10/2008::
At least 10 leaders and activists of Pragotishil Chhatra Jote (PCJ), an alliance of left-leaning student organisations,including BANGLADESH STUDENT'S UNION were injured in police action when they tried to stop selling of admission forms at banks on the campus of Dhaka University (DU) protesting the increased price.
Source: http://thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=59528

::20/10/2008::
At least two students were arrested at UCD (Ireland) last night during a protest against the proposed re-introduction of third-level fees.
Around 100 students gathered at the college's Clinton Institute as Finance Minister Brian Lenihan arrived to chair a function. The minister had to enter through a side door after the protestors staged a sit-down blockade outside the building.
They say they were protesting against the possible return of third-level fees and the €600 increase in annual college registration fees announced in last week's Budget.
Source: http://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/mhidcwqlqloj

::20/10 - 23/10/2008::
Protests across Italy continue. Faculties are being occupied and blocked, huge demonstrations held.
Source: http://www.uniriot.org

::22/10/2008::
About 10,000 students took to the streets of Dublin this afternoon to voice their opposition to the possible reintroduction of student fees. The Union of Students of Ireland - which arranged today's protest - claims that the imposition any additional costs would be a disaster for students and their families, and would put the idea of a knowledge-based economy at risk.
Sources: http://www.breakingnews.ie/ireland/mhidmhauaukf and http://youtube.com/watch?v=OepjwfgFqtA

::22/10/2008::
Students in Ottawa (Canada) deliver petitions containing more than 65,000 signatures to "their" premier's office demanding lower tuition fees.
Source: http://www.torontosun.com/news/canada/2008/10/23/7172021-sun.html


For a complete list of summaries for the year 2008 so far:
http://fading-hope.blog-city.com/students_protest_worldwide_against_commercialisation_bologn.htm
HAP @ 21:55 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Croatia blast 'kills media pair'

Screen-grab of Zagreb car bomb scene
The car bomb exploded outside the offices of Nacional weekly newspaper

A car bomb in the Croatian capital Zagreb has killed two journalists, including the owner of a leading weekly newspaper, reports say.

Ivo Pukanic, co-owner of the Nacional weekly, was killed with another employee in the blast outside the newspaper's premises, state TV said.

The explosion occurred in the centre of the capital at about 1820 (1620 GMT), the reports said.

Zagreb has been gripped by a wave of violence this year.

"This is a shock, a disaster .... The police and all of us have to do everything to stop this violence," government spokesman Zlatko Mehun told Reuters news agency.

Croatian Prime Minister Ivo Sanader sacked his interior and justice ministers, as well as the head of the national police, earlier this month in response to the spiralling crime rates across the country.

His move came amid fears that rising violence could threaten Croatia's success during EU accession talks next year, correspondents say.

Croatia hopes to complete negotiations for entry in 2009 and to become the 28th EU member in 2011.

A crucial European Commission progress report is due to be released next month.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/7687532.stm

HAP @ 21:06 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
23.10.08.   Starost: 7 h

Pitanja gospodarskih previranja dominirat će raspravama na dvodnevnom sastanku Europske unije s predstavnicima 43 zemalja Azije, koji sutra započinje u kineskoj prijestolnici Pekingu, kazao je predsjednik Europske komisije Jose Manuel Barroso.

 

Čelnici polažu nade u taj summit koji bi trebao pomoći pronalaženju konsenzusa oko odgovora na aktualnu financijsku krizu prije održavanja financijskog summita zakazanog za 15. studenoga u Washingtonu.

 

Potreban nam je usklađeni globalni odgovor kako bi se provela reforma svjetskog financijskog sustava. Živimo u vremenima kakva ne pamtimo i trebamo uspostaviti razinu globalne koordinacije bez presedana, poručio je Barroso.

 

Ne iznoseći pojedinosti konkretnih prijedloga, Barroso je kazao kako se rješenje mora temeljiti na načelima transparentnosti, odgovornosti, prekograničnog nadzora i globalnog upravljanja.

 

Najnovija događanja jasno su pokazala potrebu radikalnog preustroja aktualnog modela financijske regulative i nadzora na globalnoj razini, kazao je Barroso. Želimo da Azija u tome sudjeluje, poručio je.

http://www.hrt.hr/index.php?id=48&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=18556&tx_ttnews[backPid]=23&cHash=3cf6ca4331



HAP @ 20:28 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
23.10.08.   Starost: 7 h
Nagodbe s Hypo Grupom i Astaldijem
Prema visokom Vladinom izvoru, postignuta je nagodba s Hypo Groupom i talijanskom tvrtkom "Astaldi".

Hypo Groupu će Državna agencija za osiguranje štednih uloga i sanaciju banaka isplatiti 34,585 milijuna eura u 12 mjesečnih rata. To je 20% od iznosa koji je presudio arbitražni sud u Londonu.

Astaldiju će iz državnog proračuna biti isplaćeno 44,350 mil. eura u tri rate - 29. listopada, 15. prosinca i 1. ožujka 2009.

Podsjetimo, ministar financija Ivan Šuker je ranije izjavio da će iznos nagodbi biti manji od iznosa iz ranije donesenih presuda jer će Hypo Group Alpe Adria i Astaldi, možda Hrvatskoj oprostiti dio kamata.

Ako se to i dogodi Hrvatska bi mogla uštedjeti i do 30 milijuna eura. Šuker je rekao da je za ove dvije nagodbe osigurano 225 milijuna kuna. Tako će se Hypo grupa namiriti iz sredstava Državne agencije za osiguranje štednih uloga i sanaciju banaka (DAB), a dio duga Astaldija osigurat će se iz Ministarstva financija, koje je preraspodjelom proračuna dobilo određena sredstva.

Hypo Group Alpe Adria 2003. godine tužila je DAB zbog netočnih podataka o stanju u Slavonskoj banci pri preuzimanju 35 posto te banke od dotadašnjeg vlasnika, EBRD-a.  Arbitražni sud u Londonu prošle je godine odlučio da Hrvatska Hypo banci mora isplatiti 40 milijuna eura odštete. 

Zbog nevaljalih ugovora za autocestu Zagreb - Goričan s kraja 90-ih talijanska tvrtka Astaldi tužila je Hrvatsku za oko 37 milijuna eura. Prema odluci Arbitražnog suda u Beču iz 2007. Hrvatska je Astaldiju, s kamatama, dužna 64 milijuna eura.


http://www.hrt.hr/index.php?id=48&tx_ttnews[tt_news]=18514&tx_ttnews[backPid]=23&cHash=7caa40131b



HAP @ 19:57 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Datum objave 23.10.2008 10:50
Zadnja izmjena 23.10.2008 10:50
Pošalji na mail        

Vijesti | Detalji
Studenti ponovo izlaze na ulice Piše: E.B.
Foto: Dragan Matić/CROPIX
ZAGREB - Studenti će 5. studenog ponovo izaći na ulice te se transparentima i glasnim zviždanjem pokušati izboriti za svoja prava. Samo pet mjeseci nakon posljednjeg prosvjeta, studenti su prisiljeni nanovo se boriti za svoja prava. Prosvjedi će biti dio Svjetskog dana borbe protiv komercijalizacije školstva

- U zadnje dvije godine hrvatsko visoko školstvo se suočava s trendom drastičnog poskupljenja školarina koje ne prati standard življenja građana. Kako je hrvatsko društvo već značajno podijeljeno na siromašne i bogate, te kako je razlika između tih slojeva sve izraženija, ovaj trend samo dodatno doprinosi pojačavanju te razlike - ističe Bolonjska sekcija Kluba studenata Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, inače organizator prosvjeda.

Svibanjskim prosvjedima studenti su dobili sporazum Ministarstva znanosti i športa i Sveučilišta po kojem je samo  prva bolonjska generacija, upisala na fakultet 2005., oslobođena školarine i troškove snosi država.



Za to je, prema Vladinim riječima, izdvojeno "golemih" 78 milijuna kuna, dok se, naprimjer, za saborske mirovine izdvaja 55 milijuna kuna godišnje, a za sudjelovanje HV-a u okupaciji Afganistana 250 milijuna kuna godišnje.

- Tražimo da Sabor donese zakon koji će određivati da je visoko školstvo u našem "društvu znanja" besplatno i svima dostupno. Želimo da Vlada tijekom sljedeće izrade proračuna za 2009. godinu uvede kao trajnu stavku proračuna subvenciranje diplomskih studija u Hrvatskoj, kako bi se priblizili "društvu znanja" kojem Hrvatska očito teži - objašnjavaju organizatori te nastavljaju. - Do tada tražimo da se cijene svih školarina vrate na razinu na kojoj su bile početkom akademske godine 2006./2007., te da se na toj razini i "smrznu", kako bi sljedeće generacije brucoša bile oslobođene trenda poskupljenja školarina koji se ne zaustavlja.



Upravo kako bi se izborili za svoja prava, 5. studenog studenti ponovo izlaze na ulice.

- Borba za besplatno visoko školstvo u Hrvatskoj nije samo borba za trenutne i buduće studente i njihove roditelje, nego i za dobrobit i razvoj Republike Hrvatske i hrvatskog društva. Nadamo se da ćete nam se pridružiti idejama, potporom i dolaskom na prosvjed u Zagreb, ili još bolje, da ćete pomoći u organizaciji prosvjeda u vašem gradu - zaključili su organizatori.

Studenti: Trabamo i vašu podršku

Rutu je načelno dogovorena, ističu organizatori. Sastanak prosvjednika je u 11 sati ispred Filozofskog fakulteta odakle se kreće prema muzeju Mimari. U podne je pred Mimarom zakazan sastanak sa studentima PMF-a odakle se kreće prema zgradi Sveučilišta.

Nakon toga se Frankopanskom, Ilicom, Mesničkom te Strossmayerovim šetalištem dolazi do Katarininog trga koji je posljednje mjesto okupljanja. Punktovi za govore bit će možda ispred Mimare, a sigurno ispred Sveučilišta te na Katarininom trgu.

- Katarini trg izabrali smo simbolično jer rutom preko štrosmajerovog ne kršimo zakon zabrane okupljanja na Markovom trgu, a želimo doći što bliže Vladi jer su naši zahtjevi upućeni direktno vladi i saboru - kažu organizatori te dodaju kako će slijedeći četvrtak vjerojatno imati tribinu s gostima profesorima koji podupiru naš cilj.

- Trebamo podršku: poziv kolegama da izađu na prosvjed i potporu u bilo kojem obliku. Sam izlazak na prosvjed i motiviranje svojih prijatelja na isto više je nego dovoljno. Svi koji su voljni sudjelovati u prosvjedu mogu se javiti na 5.11.protiv.komercijalizacije@gmail.com - pozivaju organizatori.

http://www.jutarnji.hr/vijesti/clanak/art-2008,10,23,,138209.jl

HAP @ 14:04 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Napomena: Večernji izgleda raspolaže ne posve točnim informacijama. Prema našim spoznajama, i drugim izvorima, studenti traže besplatno studiranje za sve, a ne samo nepovećavanje dosadašnjih školarina.

22. 10. 2008. | 19:17
 
Studenti pozivaju na prosvjed 5. studenog, na Svjetski dan borbe protiv komercijalizacije školstva
 
 
 
 
Bolonjska sekcija Kluba studenata Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu najavila je organiziranje prosvjeda 5. studenog, kao dio Svjetskog dana borbe protiv komercijalizacije školstva. Studenti će prosvjedom zatražiti od Hrvatskog sabora da donese zakon koji će određivati da je visoko školstvo u Hrvatskom "društvu znanja" besplatno i svima dostupno.
- Želimo da Vlada RH tijekom sljedeće izrade proračuna za 2009. godinu uvede kao trajnu stavku proračuna subvencioniranje diplomskih studija u RH, kako bismo se približili "društvu znanja" kojem Hrvatska očito teži. Do tada tražimo da se cijene svih školarina vrate na razinu na kojoj su bile početkom akademske godine 2006./2007. i da se na toj razini i "zamrznu", kako bi sljedeće generacije brucoša bile oslobođene trenda poskupljenja školarina koji se ne zaustavlja - naglašavaju u svom pozivu na prosvjed studenti.

Studenti su prosvjedom u svibnju uspjeli osloboditi prvu generaciju bolonjskih studenata, koja je upisala fakultet 2005. godine, od plaćanja participacije u troškovima studija, odnosno školarine.
- Za to je izdvojeno (Vladinim riječima) "golemih" 78 milijuna kuna, dok se, na primjer, za saborske mirovine izdvaja 55 milijuna kuna godišnje, a za sudjelovanje HV-a u okupaciji Afganistana 250 milijuna kuna godišnje - piše dalje u studentskom priopćenju.

(mp)

 

http://www.vecernji.hr/newsroom/news/croatia/3188024/index.do

HAP @ 13:25 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 1 | Prikaži komentare
22. 10. 2008. | 18:08
KRIZA Nacije stoje u redu za pomoć MMF-a
Financijska drama u Mađarskoj i Ukrajini
Autor Gojko Drljača
Andras Simor na hitnom nacionalnom summitu
Andras Simor na hitnom nacionalnom summitu
 
 
 
Posljedice krize dioničkog i kreditnog tržišta u najjačim svjetskim ekonomijama sve bolnije osjećaju zemlje u razvoju te se pokušavaju uhvatiti za zajmove MMF-a kao za slamku spasa. Naši susjedi Mađari prolaze pravu fiskalnu i monetarnu dramu.

Još prošli tjedan Europska centralna banka morala im je posuditi zapanjujućih 5 milijarda eura kako bi spriječila slom kreditnog tržišta, a jučer je mađarska centralna banka podigla ključnu kamatnu stopu čak 3 posto, na vrtoglavih 11,5 posto.

To su učinili kako bi zaustavili dalje klizanje forinte. Naime, samo od početka mjeseca mađarska je valuta pala 15 posto u odnosu na euro, a što je za zemlju u kojoj je većina kredita ugovorena uz valutnu klauzulu postala prava noćna mora za dužnike.

Očajnički i brutalno
Potez prvog čovjeka mađarskih monetarnih vlasti, Andrasa Simora, stigao je nakon što je prekjučer forinta u jednom danu pala za 3,6 posto, a što je bila najgora dnevna izvedba odmah poslije zimbabveškog dolara.

- To je očajnički, brutalan potez - prokomentirao je za Bloomberg mađarski analitičar Daniel Bebesy. Mađarska vlada već je morala smanjiti prognozu gospodarskog rasta na 1,8 posto u ovoj godini, a sljedeće godine očekuju jadnih 1,2 posto.

Pod značajnim prtiskom su velike mađarske kompanije - Mol je izišao s priopćenjem kako će razmotriti dalje kapitalne investicije, a najveća mađarska banka, OTP, ima probleme s likvidnošću te joj je cijena dionice pala 57 posto u mjesecu, što znači da je izbrisano 4,6 milijardi USD. MMF će Mađarskoj trebati dati ozbiljnu financijsku potporu.

Ukrajina ima nešto drukčije probleme u odnosu na Mađarsku, ali je već sada jasno kako će i oni morati dobiti izdašnu pomoć MMF-a. Govori se o vrtoglavih 15 milijardi dolara. Premijerka Julija Timošenko poručila je kako MMF-ovu pomoć trebaju najkasnije sljedeći tjedan. Zemljom joj hara inflacija od gotovo 25 posto, a potrebna je hitna potpora bankovnom sustavu.

Već je općepoznato kako je Island, nekad među najbogatijim, bankrotirao te da mu hitno treba oko 6 milijardi pomoći MMF-a i nordijskih zemalja.

Mi smo još mirni
U ovakvoj situaciji čak možemo biti ponosni na naše Ministarstvo financija i centralnu banku jer nam pomoć MMF-a neće trebati. Ni nakon silnih lekcija.

 

http://www.vecernji.hr/newsroom/economics/3187992/index.do

HAP @ 13:19 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
 
 
Svibanjski prosvjed studenata u Zagrebu (Foto: Dragan Matić / Cropix)
 
Zbog poskupljenja i elitizacije visokog školstva hrvatski će studenti 5. studenog izaći na prosvjed i tražiti besplatno studiranje za sve, te ulaganje više novca u obrazovanje.
 

"U zadnje dvije godine visoko školstvo u Hrvatskoj suočava se s trendom drastičnog poskupljenja školarina koje ne prati standard hrvatskih građana, a ujedno stvara sve veće razlike između bogatih i siromašnih", poručuju iz Bolonjske sekcije Kluba studenata Filozofskog fakulteta u Zagrebu, koji su i organizatori prosvjeda.

Stoga pozivaju sve hrvatske studente da im se 5. studenog pridruže u Zagrebu, ili prosvjedom u svojim gradovima, kako bi svi zajedno izrazili nezadovoljstvo visokim školarinama.

Od Vlade će zahtijevati da zakonom odredi da je visoko školstvo u Hrvatskoj u potpunosti besplatno za sve, tj. da Vlada subvencionira troškove studiranja za sve preddiplomce i diplomce, te veća ulaganja iz državnog proračuna u obrazovanje budući je Hrvatska u tome daleko ispod europskog prosjeka (pritom ne oduzimajući radnicima i umirovljenicima).

Do tada će se zadovoljiti da se cijene svih školarina vrate na razinu na kojoj su bile početkom akademske godine 2006./2007., te da se na toj razini i "smrznu" kako bi sljedeće generacije brucoša bile oslobođene trenda poskupljenja školarina koji se ne zaustavlja.

Ovaj prosvjed će ujedno biti i dio prosvjeda koje će studenti održati diljem svijeta na isti dan u povodu Svjetskog dana borbe protiv komercijalizacije školstva.

Tako će po prvi put studenti iz svih krajeva svijeta biti ujedinjeni, te će i hrvatski studenti prosvjedovati radi postizanja tog nedvosmisleno jasnog cilja: studiranje mora biti besplatno za sve.

Dodajmo da će se prosvjedna povorka u Zagrebu okupiti ispred Filozofskog fakulteta i Mimare, a zatim krenuti prema Sveučilištu. Od tamo nastavit će rutu Frankopanskom, Ilicom, Mesničkom do Katarininog trga, pošto ne mogu na Markov trg, kako bi vladajući bolje čuli njihovo nezadovoljstvo.


 
Net.hr
23.10.2008.

http://www.net.hr/vijesti/hrvatska/page/2008/10/23/0111006.html

HAP @ 13:09 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
   
Nikola Buković
Rusija je div koji se budi pa tako ruski kapital poput konja koji je upregnut u kremaljsku kočiju sve brže i brže trči u svjetskoj geopolitičkoj utrci (premda su posljednji događaji pokazali da će Rusija svoje interese, posebno u regiji po potrebi braniti i silom), dok na unutarnjem planu dolazi do efikasne eutanazije političke opozicije, uz sve jaču kontrolu sudstva i medija. No, ono što posebno zabrinjava Zapad je visoka podrška koju Putin i njegova ekipa uživaju u Rusiji, ali i u regiji, što pokazuje na jačanje ruske meke moći, faktora koji je tradicionalno bio as u rukavu razvijenog, demokratskog i bogatog Zapada.
17. listopada 2008

Posljednji događaji skrenuli su pozornost međunarodne političke, ali i akademske javnosti na događaje u Rusiji i njezinom bližem susjedstvu. Rastuća literatura ponovno ukazuje da Rusija nakon desetljeća zanemarivanja u 90 – im ponovno dobiva pažnju i važnost koju je tradicionalno imala u međunarodnim odnosima, napose ističući važnost njene stabilnosti za Europu, zbog njene neposredne geografske blizine.



Dva Putinova mandata bila su puna neočekivanih, šokantnih i još ne sasvim objašnjenih događaja – nesreća nuklearne podmornice „Kursk“, tragedije u školi u Beslanu te u moskovskom kazalištu tijekom predstave „Sjeveroistok“, obračun sa oligarsima, nemilosrdno okončavanje rata u Čečeniji, dokidanje regionalne autonomije republika, eutanaziranje političke opozicije, udar na slobodu medija… Posljednji u nizu događaja ukazuju da su Putin i njegova ekipa i nakon njegova odlaska izrazito odlučni zadržati utjecaj na rusku politiku. Dolazak Dmitrija Medvjedeva na mjesto predsjednika omogućio je zadržavanje istog političkog kursa, uz mogućnost da se ne prekrši ustavna odredba koja zabranjuje da ruski građanin vrši funkciju predsjednika dulje od dva uzastopna mandata, dok se Putin zasad „zadovoljio“ premijerskim mjestom. Da se stvari neće promijeniti, već da će Rusija na međunarodnoj sceni svoje interese braniti i još odlučnije, pokazala je munjevita ruska pobjeda u petodnevnom ratu u Gruziji, koja je omogućila faktičnu neovisnost dvaju pobunjenih i Rusiji sklonih regija, Abhazije i Južne Osetije.

Sve to nameće logično pitanje: što nas čeka u budućnosti? Da li će Rusija predstavljati sigurnosnu prijetnju Europi, s obzirom na njenu rastuću ekonomsku i očito obnovljenu vojnu moć? Kako će na te provokacije odgovoriti SAD i nova, bilo McCainova, bilo Obamina administracija, uzimajući u obzir sve bučnije glasove među američkim političarima i geostratezima koji zahtijevaju rusko isključenje iz G – 8 te njenu međunarodnu izolaciju? Koliko su Amerikanci daleko spremni ići u obrani interesa svog saveznika Gruzije? Što će se dogoditi s ubrzanim ruskim rastom u slučaju pada cijena energenata? Da li će EU pronaći odgovarajuću strategiju kojom bi se u srednjoročnom razdoblju riješila energetske ovisnosti o Rusiji i ucjenjivačkog potencijala koji samim tim Rusija ima nad Europom?

Na ta i na čitav niz drugih pitanja u ovom trenutku nitko nema precizne odgovore. Međutim, da bismo razumjeli kontekst u kojem se nalazi i odvija politički proces u Rusiji moramo se prvo vratiti u 90 – te o objasniti stanje u Rusiji tada te s posebnom pažnjom promotriti politiku Zapada, za koju vjerujem da je imala velikog udjela u dolasku na vlast čovjeka Putinova profila i sposobnosti. Također, da bi se spoznala priroda momentalne vladajuće garniture potrebno je malo promotriti politiku koja je vođena u razdoblju od 2000 – te naovamo, te analizirati ishode, razdvajajući one željene i nehotične. Ovaj rad svojim opsegom ne može zadovoljiti te kriterije, već će ovdje biti ponuđena tek gruba skica za neki budući portret.

Velesila na koljenima

Izrazito je teško izdvojiti najvažnije događaje i procese u Rusiji 90 – ih. Za potrebe ovog članka bit će dosta da pozornost usmjerimo na tri stvari: prvo, proces privatizacije koji je ekonomiju ostavio u potpunim ruševinama, pri tom omogućujući malom broju ljudi iznimno bogaćenje u izuzetno kratkom razdoblju (famozni oligarsi), drugo, potpuni gubitak autoriteta države, koji je u glavama mnogih Rusa ostao povezan s likom i djelom nepredvidljivog i često kaotičnog prvog ruskog predsjednika Borisa Jeljcina i treće, politika zemalja Zapada, napose SAD – a, koje su propustile jedinstvenu šansu da Rusiji ponude istinsko vodstvo i pomoć, samim tim trajno naštetivši izgledima za izgradnju istinski demokratskog političkog sustava kombiniranog s vladavinom prava.

Proces privatizacije u Rusiji bez pretjeranog okolišanja možemo okarakterizirati možda i najvećom pljačkom u povijesti čovječanstva. Rusija je zemlja iznimnih prirodnih bogatstava koje su joj omogućile nevjerojatan gospodarski uzlet tijekom plinifikacije i industrijalizacije koja je slijedila nakon Oktobarske revolucije i Staljinove eliminacije lijeve i desne opozicije krajem 20 –ih. Ako je vjerovati podacima koje u jednom svom članku profesor Vukadinović iznosi, Rusija pokriva 13% svjetskih rezervi nafte i čak 45% svjetskih rezervi prirodnog plina.

Takvo prirodno bogatstvo, uz nesmiljenu industrijalizaciju praćenu brutalnom kolektivizacijom sela i preorijentiranjem velikog dijela seoskog stanovništva na rad u tvornicama (uz brutalno kršenje ljudskih prava i ubijanje i deportaciju mnogih), omogućilo je tadašnjem SSSR – u dvocifrene stope rasta u 30 – im i smanjivanje gospodarskog zaostajanja za razvijenim zapadnim zemljama te pobjedu u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Međuratno je razdoblje ipak razotkrilo mnogobrojne slabosti i kroničnu neefikasnost u planskom upravljanu, što je u konačnici i dovelo do propasti SSSR – a i komunizma općenito.

Početak 90 – ih na snagu je uz ekonomsku, vojnu te napose ideološku pobjedu SAD – a donio novu mantru – tržišni fundamentalizam. Temeljna ideja, koju je prihvatio kako Boris Jeljcin, a tako i njegovi najbliži suradnici bila je da rusko društvo mora proći tzv. „šok terapiju“ brzog prelaska s planske na tržišnu ekonomiju, pri čemu će sama promjena vlasništva donijeti napredak u upravljanju i omogućiti izlazak iz kaljuže gospodarske stagnacije u koju je rusko gospodarstvo zapalo. Velik utjecaj na ključne arhitekte tog pristupa:Yegora Gaidara, Anatolya Čubaisa, Mikhaila Kasyanova su imale ideje zapadnih ekonomista Miltona Friedmana, a napose Jefferya Sachsa koji je takav ideju „brze, bolne, ali nužne reforme“ popularizirao u Rusiji. Nažalost, neiskustvo u upravljanu tržišnim tokovima ispostavilo je račun ruskim policy – makerima. Nedostatak bilo kakvih pravila igre, kombiniran sa fenomenom globalizacije koji je omogućio vrlo brz prijenos kako podataka, tako i sredstava u inozemstvo omogućio je munjevitu i nesmiljenu pljačku. Pri tom treba naglasiti da su posebnu korist iz cijele situacije izvukli ljudi bliski Jeljcinu, njegova obitelj (posebice njegova kćer, Tatjana, koja je tijekom drugog očevog mandata postala njegova siva eminencija) te bliskih suradnika, rodbine i prijatelja. Oni su činili tzv. „Familiju“ – „Obitelj“, u korist koje je Jeljcin ne jednom zaobilazio parlament (Dumu) i putem dekreta omogućavao podršku za brže bogaćenje.

Sam mehanizam posebno dobro opisuju Manuel Castells u svom „Kraju tisućljeća“ te Joseph Stiglitz u knjizi: „Globalizacija i dvojbe koje izaziva“ – naime, namješteni natječaji, kombinirani sa jedinstvenim izumom „loans for shares“ (banke su izdavale kredite za udjele u buduće privatiziranim tvrtkama politički podobnim igračima oko „Obitelji“) omogućile su brzu privatizaciju brojnih poduzeća, posebno onih u energetskom i industrijskom sektoru po vrlo niskim cijenama, te u drugom koraku ili njihovi brzu preprodaju ili generiranje profita koji se nije vraćao natrag u rusku ekonomiju već se prebacivao na off – shore račune. Tako su stvoreni famozni oligarsi – među njima su najpoznatiji Boris Berezovski, Roman Abramovič, Vladimir Gusinski i Mikhail Hodorkovski. Taj postupak je imao za neposrednu posljedicu ogromni gubitak poreznih prihoda koji su pritjecali u državnu blagajnu. Tome je također kumovala nesposobnost izgradnje efikasnog poreznog sustava, ali i radikalna decentralizacija, kojom je golemu količinu moći, prihoda i odgovornosti Boris Jeljcin prebacio na 89 autonomnih konstitutivnih jedinica koje čine Rusku Federaciju. Taj je sustav doživio potpuni neuspjeh 1997./98. Slom rublje kombiniran sa nestašicom kruha označio je neuspjeh Jeljcinovog eksperimenta.

Druga i treća točku – gubitak autoriteta države i politika Zapada čine jedinstvenu i nerazdvojivu cjelinu. Sudeći prema onom što nam nudi literatura u tom području, čini se da prikaz stanja u filmu: „Gospodar rata“ s Nicolasom Cageom u glavnoj ulozi gdje inozemni trgovci oružjem kamionima izvoze puške, topove i projektile iz ruskih baza, ostavljajući kofere s novcem pripitim ruskim časnicima, ne odudara puno od istine. Gubitak ugleda svoje vojne sile, koji je svoju potvrdu dobio katastrofalnim porazom u 1. čečenskom ratu 1995. posebno je teško pogodila veliki broj Rusa, još nostalgičan za vremenima kad se ime Crvene armije izgovaralo s ponosom u bivšem SSSR – u, a sa strahopoštovanjem u Zapadu. Gubitku autoriteta države također je pridonijela i njena kronična nesposobnost da spriječi rastući utjecaj mafije i dotad rijetko viđenu nesigurnost života na ulicama Moskve i drugih ruskih gradova.

Neki primjeri su zaista nevjerojatni, a dolaze iz svakodnevnog života i prakse. Primjerice, da bi izbjegli čekanje na križanjima, bogatiji Rusi su od policajaca kupovali rotirna svjetla kojim su prolazili kroz crveno, ugrožavajući pri tom ostale sudionike u prometu, bez ikakve sankcije. Sam predsjednik Jeljcin je bio priča za sebe. Naime, pluralizam medija u Rusiji je po prvi put omogućio vrlo otvoreno bavljenje „mutnim“ poslovima predsjednika i njegove „Obitelji“, a svakodnevni skandali su u očima prosječnog Rusa konstantno minorizirali njegovu ulogu i ugled. Također, njegova sklonost alkoholu donijela je nekoliko spektakularnih epizoda, kao primjerice tijekom njegova posjeta Irskoj, kada je bio toliko „umoran“ da nije mogao izaći i pozdraviti irskog premijera i kompletnu svečanu svitu koja ga je na aerodromu dočekala.



Neke elemente utjecaja Zapada već sam naznačio ranije. Naime, kompletna ekonomska reforma u Rusiji bila je pod snažnim utjecajem, da ne kažemo diktatom ekonomista MMF – a i Svjetske banke, u to doba posve osupnutim ideologijom svemoći tržišta. S obzirom da sustav odlučivanja u tim tijelima održava ekonomski doprinos njihovu budžetu, logično je zaključiti kako je utjecaj najmoćnijeg od svih donatora, SAD – a njima bio posebno izražen. Ne treba stoga čuditi da danas Rusija na međunarodnom planu posebno inzistira na reformi tih institucija. Posebno su ponižavajuće bile, ako je vjerovati ocjeni Borisa Reitschustera koju iznosi u svojoj knjizi:“Vladimir Putin – Kamo vodi Rusiju?“, pohvale na račun Rusije i uspješnih reformi koje provodi koje su iz usta zapadnih dužnosnika stizale prilikom njihovih službenih posjeta Rusiji. Kapi koje su čini se prelile čašu su bile ambicija širenja NATO –a u tradicionalnu rusku sferu interesa (Ukrajina i Gruzija, uz Baltičke zemlje koje su već ušle 2000.) te potpuno ignoriranje ruskog veta prilikom intervencije na Kosovu 1999, od strane Amerikanaca i njihovih saveznika. Kombinirano, ti faktori su udarili temelje izgradnji jedne sasvim drukčije arhitekture u Kremlju, sa „šefom gradilišta“ nimalo nalik Borisu Jeljcinu.

Povratak ponosa i slave ili ponovni pad u diktaturu?

Izrazito opsežna i vrlo kvalitetna literatura bavi se Putinovim stilom vladavine i utjecajem koji je on imao na rusko društvo i ekonomiju. Međutim, često se zaboravlja koliko je bilo teško predvidjeti ovakav razvoj događaja prilikom njegovog uzleta 1999., kad je imenovan premijerom te nakon njegova stupanja na vlast i pobjede na parlamentarnim predsjedničkim izborima 2000., gdje je, ne sasvim neočekivano, s novoosnovanom strankom „Jedinstvo“ slavio nad „Očevinom Rusijom“, strankom jakih političara na tadašnjoj političkoj sceni – bivšeg premijera Yevgenija Primakova i vrlo popularnog moskovskog gradonačelnika Yurija Lushkova, koja je također iza sebe imala značajnu podršku kapitala i niza utjecajnih igrača.

Čini se da je ključna Putinova osobina koja ga je katapultirala u orbitu bila lojalnost. Naime, ovaj bivši KGB – ov časnik srednjeg ranga se već ranije pokazao „nesposobnim za izdaju“ kako tvrdi Reitschuster u situaciji kad je nakon poraza na lokalnim izborima svog političkog mentora Anatolya Sobchaka, bivšeg gradonačelnika St. Petersburga, čiji je bio zamjenik i desna ruka, skupa s njim napustio ured, što je za razinu političke kulture u Rusiji bio istinski presedan. Ono što je trebalo Jeljcinu i njegovoj „obitelji“ jest osoba koja će ga zaštititi od eventualnih budućih progona. To je uistinu i bilo tako – odmah po stupanju na vlast, Putin je potpisao dekret kojim se zabranjuje bilo kakav kriminalni progon bivšeg predsjednika Borisa Jeljcina. Također, brojni članovi uže „obitelji“ svoje su mjesto našli u novoj administraciji, npr. Alexander Voloshin, bivši šef Ureda predsjednika pod Jeljcinom, koji je taj posao samo naslijedio u Putinovoj administraciji. Također, poslovi Jeljcinove kćeri Tatjane Dyachenko i njena muža Vladimira Jumašova nisu također do dan danas bili predmetom istrage. Međutim, ocjene o novoj marioneti u Kremlju ipak su se pokazale ponešto preuranjenim. Pogled u Putinovo socijalno podrijetlo i obrazovanje čini stvari nešto jasnijim.

Čini se da je crtu lojalnosti Putin uistinu stekao tijekom svoje obuke i rada u KGB –u. Izravna posljedica toga je njegovo pojačano oslanjanje na ljude iz vojske i tajnih službi prilikom procesa vladanja. Međutim, još je jedna karakteristika Putinove ličnosti koju je, čini se, donio iz podzemnog svijeta jest njegov nacionalistički svjetonazor. Čini se da je i njemu, kao i većem broju Rusa posebno teško palo rusko slabljenje i poniženje tijekom 90 –ih koje je očigledno odlučio spriječiti onda kad je dobio šansu. Osim toga, izuzetno je važno spomenuti i njegovo obrazovanje. On je naime pravnik, obrazovan na Pravnom fakultetu u St. Petersburgu, gdje se koncept pravne države tumači bitno drukčije nego na Zapadu. Naime, pravna država, kako za profesore s tog fakulteta, tako očito i za Putina, znači „diktatura zakona“, koja za cilj ima, za razliku od zapadnog koncepta, omogućiti podređivanje pojedinca višim državnim i društvenim ciljevima. Dok zakoni na Zapadu služe prvenstveno zaštiti individualnih prava, a posebice privatnog vlasništva, u Rusiji je njihov smisao bitno drukčiji – privatno vlasništvo može vrlo brzo (i po potrebi nasilno) opet postati u javno u cilju viših interesa. Stoga, kad Putin govori da je Rusija pravna država on zaista ne laže! Takva pozicija i funkcija zakona je poslužila kao idealan instrument za obračun s oligarsima.



Uzroke Putinova sukoba s oligarsima također prvenstveno treba tražiti u njegovom nacionalističkom svjetonazoru i ambiciji da povrati barem dio ruske moći. Treba istaknuti kako su pojedini oligarsi odigrali ključnu ulogu u njegovu dolasku na vlast – posebice Boris Berezovski, oligarh koji je ostvarivao najsnažniji utjecaj na politiku Kremlja kao glavni tajnik Zajednice Nezavisnih Država te siva eminencija za Jeljcinova drugog mandata, koji se u brojnim javnim nastupima hvalio da je izrežirao Jeljcinov reizbor 1996. i Putinovu pobjedu 2000.

Ipak, oni su za Putina prvenstveno bili ljudi koji su vlastite privatne interese stavili ispred državnih – točnije, iskoristili su slabost države da je opljačkaju i zgrnu neopisivo bogatstvo. Ne treba biti preradikalan u idealiziranju Putinove pozicije – on nije nikakav Robin Hood koji je uzimao od bogatih i davao siromašnim. Andrew Jack u svojoj knjizi „Inside Putin’s Russia“ opisuje sastanak koji se odigrao u srpnju 2000. u kojem je postavio nova pravila igre: business mora zarađivati novac za državu i podrediti se njenim interesima. Pod tim uvjetima oligarsi neće biti dirani i moći će zadržati svoje bogatstvo. Prvi među njima koji je shvatio ozbiljnost Putinove poruke bio je Roman Abramovič, koji je prodao državi svoj udio u naftnoj kompaniji „Sibneft“ bitno ispod tržišne cijene, ali je iznos bio dovoljan da ga učini jednim od najbogatijih ljudi na svijetu.

Drugi oligarsi, poput Borisa Berezovskog, Vladimira Gusinskog i posebice Mikhaila Hodorkovskog, vlasnika koncerna „Jukos“ nisu se bili spremni odreći utjecaja i priznati superiornost novog gospodara Kremlja. Iako su sva trojica spomenutih odstranjeni iz političkog života Rusije, važno je uočiti nijanse – čini se da Putin Berezovskom nije zaboravio prošle zasluge, tako da je prijašnji „lutkar Kremlja“ otjeran u politički azil (prvo je pobjegao u Francusku pa zatim u London, zbog najpovoljnije porezne politike) uz mogućnost da izvuče ogroman dio svog bogatstva. Vladimir Gusinsky, koji je u kampanji 2000. pokazao nelojalnost podržavši Lushkova i Primakova je također otjeran u azil, ali uz bitno rigorozniju „izlaznu proviziju“ – velik dio njegove imovine je zaplijenila država. Najgore je prošao Mikhail Hodorkovski, najbogatiji čovjek u Rusiji, koji je 2003. uhićen zbog optužbe da je počinio brojne „gospodarske prijestupe“. Očito pristrani proces u kojem su prava optuženika sustavno kršena, pratilo je paralelno rasturanje njegovog životnog djela – koncerna „Jukos“, koji je malo po malo vraćen u državne ruke. U priči s Hodorkovskim, koju se može sagledavati s jako puno aspekata, mi ćemo istaknuti dva: prvo, čini se da je tako okrutan obračun ovaj oligarh zaslužio zbog bitno drugačije vizije društva koju je želio i za nju se borio. Naime, Hodorkovski je liberal koji je vjerovao da su temeljne snage za ponovni uzlet Rusije privatni sektor, koji posluje po zapadnim standardima te civilno društvo, koje je nakon povlačenja Georgea Sorosa i njegovog „Otvorenog društva“ snažno financirao u Rusiji. Također, čini se da je on za svoju viziju bio spreman ići do kraja pa i kandidirati se na predsjedničkim izborima 2008... i možda pobijediti. Takav rizik Putin jednostavno nije mogao preuzeti. Drugi je važan aspekt činjenica da je za udar na oligarhe Putin trebao snažnu podršku ljudi iz tajnih službi, napose iz FSB – a, čiji je direktor bio prije dolaska u premijersku fotelju. Nadalje, čini se da je kao protutežu moći koju još uvijek u Kremlju ima „Obitelj“, Putin uz članove obavještajnih službi uključio i brojne poznanike i bivše suradnike iz rodnog mu St. Petersburga. Očito je da je predsjednikova ambicija bila sustavna izgradnja paralelne vertikale moći njemu lojalnih ljudi potrebne za postizanje ranije spomenutih ciljeva.

Jačanje na vanjskopolitičkom planu posljedica je suptilne politike koju je Putin konzistentno i strpljivo gradio, oslanjajući se na pravila igre koja nije on sam postavio, već zemlje EU i SAD – politika tržišnih akvizicija s ciljem ostvarenja političkih ciljeva (u tom smislu svakako valja istaknuti državni plinski koncern „Gazprom“ te onaj naftni „Lukoil“ koji vrše agresivnu ekspanziju, posebice u području Balkana, preciznije, u Srbiji i Bugarskoj, povrativši bitan dio prijašnjeg ruskog utjecaja u regiji, a na financijskom planu novoosnovani suvereni Fond za buduće generacije) te rastući unilateralizam u nastupima na međunarodnom planu. Naime, nakon što je SAD izvršio invaziju na Irak 2003. bez odobravajuće rezolucije Vijeća sigurnosti, uz već ranije spomenuto rusko ponižavanje tijekom akcije na Kosovu, Rusija je jednako tako na vanjskopolitičkom planu „skinula rukavice“. Ironično je to što se čini da je Putin svoje karte odigrao puno bolje od svog američkog kolege i njegove ekipe – naime, podrška koju je dao nakon napada 11.09. i invazije na Afganistan glatko je uskraćena prilikom napada na Irak. Putin tim apsolutno ništa nije izgubio – SAD je invaziju napravio neovisno o ruskom protivljenju, ali je time i potpuno relativizirao ulogu UN –a, što mu je sjajno poslužilo prilikom vlastite intervencije u Gruziji. Također, čini se da je ruska vrhuška dobro znala da je oštrica s kojom su Amerikanci zaprijetili nakon intervencije u Gruziji negdje drugdje – u Afganistanu i Iraku. Pobijediti protivnika u njegovoj igri, to je san svakog stratega. Zasad, čini se da Putin taj san i živi.

Budućnost Putinovog političkog dizajna

Iz svega navedenog, ne iznenađuje posebno vlast kakvu danas imamo u Rusiji. Iako se njena moć nerijetko precjenjuje, jer Rusija još nije dosegla nivo proizvodnje koji je imala u doba SSSR –a, a u području vojne industrije znatno zaostaje za SAD – om i NATO saveznicima, posebice u tehnološkom smislu te za daljnji gospodarski razvoj treba značajna ulaganja u infrastrukturu, ona je već sad (ponovno?) sila s kojom treba u budućnosti računati... te ju vrlo dobro razumjeti, sa svom njenom kompleksnošću.

Valja upozoriti na dva osnovna aspekta: na vanjskopolitičkom planu dominantni instrumenti jačanja moći su ekonomski – ruski kapital je konj koji je upregnut u kremaljsku kočiju koja sve brže i brže trči u ovoj geopolitičkoj utrci (premda su posljednji događaji pokazali da će Rusija svoje interese, posebno u regiji po potrebi braniti i silom); na unutarnjem planu dolazi do efikasne eutanazije političke opozicije, uz sve jaču kontrolu sudstva i medija – stvara se po Reithschusterovim riječima Potemkinova demokracija, fasada koja ne baš uspješno skriva prazninu i nedostatak demokratskog sadržaja. Iako će veliki broj faktora (kojih je toliko da mogu biti predmet jednog novog rada) utjecati na budućnost nove političke arhitekture, postoji jedan element koji je posebno zabrinjavajući za Zapad: visoka podrška koju Putin i njegova ekipa uživaju u Rusiji, ali i u regiji (Ukrajina, Abhazija, Južna Osetija, Bjelorusija) pokazuje na jačanje ruske meke moći, faktora koji je tradicionalno bio as u rukavu razvijenog, demokratskog i bogatog Zapada.



http://www.zamirzine.net/spip.php?article6939

HAP @ 11:47 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

'US missiles' hit Pakistan school

Map

Missiles thought to have been fired by the US have killed at least eight students of a religious school in north-western Pakistan, witnesses say.

The school, in North Waziristan, is close to the residence of a fugitive Taleban leader, Jalaluddin Haqqani, witnesses told the BBC Urdu Service.

At least two missiles, reportedly fired by pilotless US drones, hit the school early on Thursday.

The Pakistani army is investigating the incident. The US has made no comment.

The latest missile attack comes hours after the Pakistani parliament unanimously adopted a resolution calling on the government to defend its sovereignty and expel foreign fighters from the region.

The resolution also called upon the government to prevent the use of Pakistani territory for attacks on another country.

Growing tension

Witnesses told the BBC that the missiles destroyed nearly half of the school building in the Dande Darpakhel area near Miranshah, the main town in North Waziristan.

At least six people were injured in the attack. It is still not clear whether there were any foreign fighters among the dead students.

Local people have said that most of the injured were local students at the seminary.

The residential complex of Jalaluddin Haqqani had been targeted by a previous missile attack, in which more than 10 people had been killed or injured.

North Waziristan is known as a haven for Taleban and al-Qaeda fighters seeking sanctuary from fighting in Afghanistan.

Foreign fighters from Uzbekistan, Afghanistan and the Middle East are all thought to be based there.



Pakistani troops in the Khyber region
Tensions in the border region are rising
In recent weeks the United States has launched several missile strikes against suspected militant targets in the Afghan border region.

Washington says the strikes are used against militant targets, correspondents say that intelligence failures have sometimes led to civilian casualties.

Figures compiled by the BBC Urdu service show that some 80 people have been killed in a number of suspected US missile strikes in South and North Waziristan region over the past month.

Earlier in October a suspected pilotless American drone fired missiles in North Waziristan, killing at least six people, Pakistani intelligence officials said.

The United States rarely confirms or denies such attacks.

Tensions between the US and Pakistan have increased over the issue of cross-border incursions against militants by American forces based in Afghanistan.

Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari has said he will not tolerate violations of his country's territory.

The US state department has affirmed "its support for Pakistan's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity".


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/7685593.stm



HAP @ 11:25 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Stocks drift amid recession fears

German traders
Once again, investors are worried about a global recession

European stocks drifted at the open, after Asian stocks tumbled overnight on fears of a recession.

The FTSE-100 index was down 24.07 at 4016.82, with France's Cac 40 down 22.66 at 3275.52 and Germany's Dax down 31.63 at 4539.44.

Retail sales grew at their slowest rate in two-and-a-half years in September, a sign of tough High Street conditions.

Sterling remained under pressure - close to a five-year dollar low - as traders anticipated more rate cuts.



FTSE 100 INDEX: 23 October 2008
FTSE 100 intraday chart
*All Times GMT
Key market developments:



  • Sterling stayed near the five-year low of $1.6148 reached on Wednesday, trading at about $1.6311
  • At one point, the Nikkei was trading at 8,016.61, its lowest level for more than five years. It recovered to close down 213 points or 2.5% at 8,460 points
  • The yen strengthened against the dollar and the euro. The dollar hit a seven-month low of 96.85 yen, while the euro hit a six-year low of 123.40 yen
  • South Korea's Kospi index fell 7.4%, its lowest close since July 2005. The Korean won lost 5% of its value against the dollar
  • Hong Kong's Hang Seng index was down 4.7%, at its lowest ebb since April 2005
  • Indian shares opened down 4.8% at their lowest since June 2006. The rupee has so far shed nearly 21% against the dollar in 2008
  • In Australia, the benchmark index closed down 4.4%
  • The Dow Jones index closed down 5.7% on Wednesday.
 
DAX INDEX: 23 October 2008
Dax intraday chart
*All Times GMT
Export fears

The fall in Japanese stocks was triggered in part by weak export data.



The impact of the global slowdown has had a clear impact on Japan's exports
Tatsushi Shikano, Mitsubishi UFJ Securities
Japan's trade surplus plunged 94% to 95.1bn yen ($970.1m; £596.7m) in September and exports grew only 1.5% in September from a year earlier, far below forecasts.

Exports of Japanese cars to the US fell, a sign of slowing consumer demand in the world's largest economy.

The continued strength of the yen prompted fears that this will cause further damage to already weak exports.

"The impact of the global slowdown has had a clear impact on Japan's exports and this was even before the financial crisis erupted in September," said Tatsushi Shikano, senior economist at Mitsubishi UFJ Securities.

"Sluggish export volumes will put a drag on Japan's industrial output and its export-reliant economy in the coming months," he added.


http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/7685639.stm



HAP @ 11:20 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
Zanimljiv stariji članak o stanju u slovenskim medijima i visokom obrazovanju, vrlo primjenjiv i na situaciju u Hrvatskoj.

  Koštat’ će ga, tko nije s nama – školarinu za početak!
Srećko Pulig
Kao profesionalnom “pratitelju prilika“ u Sloveniji osim praćenja otužne kapitulacije većine “velikih“ i “malih“ medija pod pritiskom vlade Janeza Janše i političke klase uopće, ipak su mi još neke stvari pobudile novinarsku pažnju posljednjih mjeseci. Nazovimo ih ovdje priručno fenomenom “svako zlo za neko dobro“ ili, sasvim neironično, “situacija se intenzivira“.
22. kolovoza 2007

I ne imaj drugih medija osim mene

Što se informiranja tiče, kao posljedica ovladavanja medijima od strane državno-privatne sprege, veliki elektronski i tiskani mediji u Sloveniji, na drugačiji način nego li u Hrvatskoj, ali po posljedicama slično, izgubili su dobar dio svoje uvjerljivosti. Oni koji su ju uopće i imali. Posljedica je neka vrsta povratka u medijsku garažu. Ne samo slijedom life-style, tehnoloških, taktičko-medijskih moda, već i doslovno silom prilika, živom podukom iz obespravljenosti i šikaniranja novinara, na značenju dobivaju minimalistički projekti bivših mainstream, a sada ponovo off novinara (hitno potrebnu diskusiju što je srednja struja, a što, i da li postoji i treba li postojati, medijska alternativa, ovdje ne možemo elaborirati) i društveno angažiranih pripadnika akademske zajednice. Kao gotovo jedini financijski i na svaki drugi način spram pritisaka održiv medij ostao je internet, sa svojim portalima, blogovima, web stranicama i mailing listama. Na njemu su se pojavili portal vijesti, koji uređuje bivši urednik “Mladine“ Jani Sever (http://www.vest.si), te zanimljiva internetska stranica http://www.indexprohibitorum.si/ , koju uređuje sociologinja Maja Breznik. Lo-file logika „Vesti“ je jednostavna: prilozi se sastoje od video snimaka izabranih događaja u trajanju od nekoliko minuta, te kratkog pisanog komentara, koji kontekstualizira video. Sve povezuje 10-minutna dnevna montaža, svojevrsno parodiranje forme televizijskog “Dnevnika“, sa voditeljem, gostima itd. Stranica zabranjenih članaka „Indexprohibitorum“ započela je kao spontani odgovor na, činilo se, trenutnu, strukturnu cenzuru “velikih“ medija. Ideja je bila još jednostavnija: objavljivati članke koje su “veliki“ odbili. Sa po mogućnosti točnim objašnjenjem kojim, kada, kako, zašto itd. redakcijama su članci nuđeni i uz koje obrazloženje ili bez njega su odbijeni. No, pošto se lista prohibiranih među novinarskim, aktivističkim i akademskim, često jednim te istim, svijetom stalno povećavala, slijedeći korak je bio pisanje kolumni na politički i društveno relevantne teme direktno za tu mrežnu stranicu, bez ponižavajućeg procesa nuđenja sa izvjesnim negativnim ishodom.

Stariji se sjećaju parole: “Revolucija: neće biti televizijskog prijenosa.“ Danas nije samo nejasno hoće li ga i treba li ga biti, već i tko sve ne/će biti za kamerom i s koje strane barikada. No, jedno je jasno: radikalna politika, pa i ona medijska, uvijek ponovo ne može biti samo posao.

Oni koje zovemo političari

Ono što smo ovdje uvodno naznačili kao tri krize: stranačku, medijsku i civilno-društvenu, ne samo u Sloveniji, nije ništa novo. Novost je kada kriza dosegne takav stupanj svoga “redovnog izvanrednog stanja“ da o sebi više ne može niti reflektirati. Ili možda u ovoj slici: kada bolest doživljavamo kao zdravlje. A takvo je stanje sa stranačkom politikom posvuda. Njena teška anti-politička bolest, nudi se preko svih vrsta PR-a kao najzdraviji društveni “proizvod“. Reći da su političke stranke sa svojim političkim programima danas u krizi, malo je reći. Ta kriza je agonalna. Stranačko jednoumlje prodaje se kao cvjetanje stotinu cvjetova. Pod uvjetom da su svi neoliberalni.

Slovensku diskusiju o „opuštenosti“, anti-političkom pojmu trenutno u velikoj političkoj upotrebi, pred predsjedanje Slovenije EU-om, koje će poput Olimpijskih igara u staljinizmu samo zaoštriti represiju vlasti, u opticaj puštaju desni zagovornici kontinuiteta sadašnje vlasti sa civilne scene. Npr. oni okupljeni u Zboru za republiko. O slovenskoj stranačkoj sceni najžešću kritiku izrekao je sociolog Rastko Močnik. Prepričano: anti-politički stav nemanja konzistentnog političkog programa postao je uvjet egzistencije “onih koje još uvijek zovemo političari“. I dalje: stranački život propada kada u njemu ne sudjeluje niti jedna stranka koja želi preko građanske političke demokracije. Ukratko: ljudski razumljiva želja današnje političke klase je uništiti politiku.



Rastko Močnik o agoniji stranačkog života

Dobrodošli u pustinju realnog

Prisjetimo se: iz svijesti o krizi jednopartijskog i više-stranačkog sistema ujedno, rođeni su, s obje strane nekadašnje Željezne zavjese tzv. novi društveni pokreti 80-ih: ekološki, feministički, mirovni, ljudsko-pravni. Kritičnu točku prerastanja ili dekadencije, kako za koga, tih pokreta u poredak, sudionici toga vremena razriješili su različito. No svedimo sve moguće kombinacije ovdje na slijedeća tipska rješenja: odlaskom u političko podzemlje, osnivanjem stranaka, osnivanjem nevladinih organizacija, te, najčešće, napuštanjem društveno-političkog polja i njegovom zamjenom onim poslovnim.

Krizno stanje svakog od tih rješenja dovelo nas je u pustinju realnog, u kojoj trenutno živimo. Kao da je poslovanje, kao sve više jedini oblik priznate ljudske prakse, zahvatilo sva područja. Neka, nova, prvi put, ostala, stara, na novi način. Skloni “čistim“ rješenjima upregli su sve svoje snage u profitno poslovanje, mi ostali u neprofitno, sa i bez navodnika. Za našu temu to znači da su političke stranke i nevladine organizacije postale oblicima, doduše neprofitnih, ali ipak, tvrtki. Od njihova porijekla u pokretima, novim i starim, kao da nije ništa ostalo. Kao ni od porijekla demokracije u revoluciji.

Djeluje poput cinične naknadne pravde što su tzv. novi pokreti, naročito u svojoj birokratskoj, nevladino-organizacijskoj formi, doživjeli istu sudbinu kao i stari, koje su mnogi od sudionika novih, usput govoreći, svojedobno pomogli pokopati pjevajući “Pa, pa proleteri“. Pod starim pokretima ovdje mislimo na one radničke, u svojim partijskim, nepartijskim, sindikalnim itd. oblicima. Te na studentski pokret, u svojim različitim povijesnim varijantama. Nećemo smetnuti s uma da za potrebe sheme pojednostavljujemo: tako je npr. feministički pokret, u svoja tri vala, ili kako drugačije, i stari i novi itd.

Kako bilo, i novi pokreti, u optimističkoj varijanti, su na rubu svoje simboličke smrti. U pesimističkoj oni su taj rub već prešli. Drugačije koncipirano: u krizi su svoje legitimacije. Što u mainstreamu govore razni gurui, sa i bez navodnika, ekologije, feminizma, ljudskih prava itd., ne izaziva samo neopravdani prijekor da su oni samonametnute, politički neizabrane vođe, već i onaj opravdani da svojim visokim ekološkim, feminističkim, mirovnim itd. standardima najčešće samo dodatno moraliziraju, ionako moralistički prenapregnuti medijski prostor, bez racionalne diskurzivne analize u njemu.

Drugačiji svijet realnog svijeta

Priči o starim i novim pokretima treba dodati veliku priču tzv. anti-globalizacijskog pokreta. Današnji “pokret svih pokreta“ upao je u barem dvije nevolje. Prva je da se u njega “uvlače“, ma koliko ne problematizirali postmodernu krilaticu Anithyng Goes, ipak međusobno nespojive grupe. U krajnjoj liniji tu su zajedno oni koji bi kapitalizam nadišli i oni koji bi mu podišli, pali ispod njime dosegnutog nivoa. Iako je problem da je kriterij za ovo razlikovanje često teško operacionalizirati. Druga teškoća anti-globalizma, nazovimo ga sada pokretom za drugačiju globalizaciju, upravo je u konceptualiziranju svoje “svjetskosti“. Tradicije nacionalnih, internacionalnih i mundijalnih anti-kapitalističkih borbi teško pronalaze svoja preklapanja, u svijetu koji se pokazao puno gibljivijim za kapital nego li za ljude. Što prevedeno na svijet ideja znači da one imaju svjetska krila, samo pod uvjetom da u istom dahu imaju i svjetski uteg, tj. svoj robni oblik.

Ove digresije bile su potrebne da barem približno smjestimo današnjeg studenta i studenticu, u Sloveniji, ali i drugdje. A gdje to da ga smjestimo? Pa, između opjevane, a većinske, društveno-političke apatije, s jedne, i “mina angažmana“, s druge strane. Angažmana od kojega odvraća naznačeno stanje tzv. političkih stranaka, nevladinih organizacija i medijskog posredovanja. Stanje u kome su sve tzv. tranzicijske zemlje “opuštene“, čekajući poput Godota Veliku Lijevu Stranku da ih pokrene. A Godot ne dolazi.

Onkraj svake nostalgije, u takvoj situaciji očito je nužan nekakav “povratak u budućnost“, očito je nužna nekakva reaktivacija radničkog, sindikalnog i studentskog pokreta. Naravno, uz maksimalno uvažavanje razlika, koje, nazovimo ga tako, današnje post-fordističko društvo, razlikuju od fordističkog. Ali i razobličavanja ideologije potpune nesumjerljivosti novih i starih prilika, onih iz 60-ih i 80-ih g. i ovih današnjih.

Student kao politički subjekt

I što se to napokon dogodilo? Ukratko: najprije u Ljubljani, a onda i u drugim mjestima Slovenije, studenti su svoje nezadovoljstvo, prvenstveno najavljenim, a dijelom već i provedenim, reformama studija napokon artikulirali u konkretne zahtjeve. Kronologija događaja je slijedeća: mjesec dana nakon što je Ministarstvo za visoko školstvo, znanost i tehnologiju objavilo nacrt prijedloga Zakona o visokom školstvu i istraživačko-razvojnoj aktivnosti (Zakon o visokem šolstvu in raziskovalno-razvojni dejavnosti – ZVŠRRD), 16. maja povela se među grupom studentica i studenata diskusija na temu “Apatija slovenskih studenata“, diskusija koja nije završila apatično. Ideja je bila: zauzeti aulu Filozofskog fakulteta, govoriti, skrenuti pažnju na probleme koje donosi tzv. reforma. Opremanje transparentima, plakatima i sl. dogodilo se spontano i tako se 21. maja rodila Autonomna tribina (AT, sve informacije o Avtonomnoj tribuni sada i na blogu: http://avtonomnatribuna.blogspot.com, te službenom forumu http://avtonomnatribuna.mojforum.si ). Kritična masa od, zavisno od prilike, 50 do 200 studenata čvrsto je jezgro ove “organizirane neorganiziranosti“.

Dvoje sudionika događaja s kojima smo razgovarali, Andrej Pavlišič i Gal Kirn, iako sami više nisu studenti, vole istaći nehijerarhijsku prirodu grupe, nastojanje da se ne profiliraju nikakvi “studentski vođe“, koji bi od aktivizma pravili karijeru, te želju da što više sudionika učestvuje i u predstavljanju javnosti svoje prakse. “Za mene je AT prostor istraživanja mogućnosti drugačije politike, one politike koja nije reducirana na izborne rituale i strukture predstavničke demokracije. U tom smislu mi smo konstruktivno nepovjerljivi spram svake vlasti. Spram Vlade Republike Slovenije, spram političkih stranaka, kao i spram redovnih studentskih organizacija. Ne želimo delegirati odgovornost za naš život birokratima, koji slijede samo vlastite interese. Kada odbijamo diktat znanja kao robe, uz to ujedno uspostavljamo nove tokove znanja, nova presjecišta znanosti, koja za svoj opstanak ne trebaju dozvole. Niti od univerziteta, a kamo li od policije. AT je realno postojeći pokret koji otvara mogućnosti mašti. Kako na univerzitetu, tako i u svakodnevnom životu“, kaže Andrej. Uslijedila je prva, u nizu izjava za javnost, uspostavljena je mailing-lista, kasnije blog. Izjava AT za autonomiju univerziteta istakla je jasan osnovni zahtijev i nekoliko načela na kojima se on temelji. Studenti AT u cijelosti odbijaju prijedlog Zakona o visokom školstvu iz dva razloga; što je koncepcijski potpuno promašen i što u njegovoj izradi nisu sudjelovali oni kojih se neposredno tiče – studentice i studenti, radnice i radnici univerziteta. Svako dalje uređivanje toga polja mora se po njima temeljiti na slijedećim načelima: Univerzitet je autonoman! Univerzitet nije poduzeće! Studij je besplatan za sve i općedostupan! Znanje ne smije biti predmet privatizacije i profitne logike! Znanje je u službi cijelog društva, a ne interesa kapitala. Univerzitet je u rukama studentica i studenata, a ne vlasti i kapitala! Proces obrazovanja mora biti kolektivan, dijaloški i mora proizlaziti isključivo iz interesa i potreba budućih diplomantica i diplomanata. Poticati mora solidarnost, spontanost, maštu, kritiku i refleksiju. S univerziteta se moraju smjesta ukloniti svi programi koji potiču militarizaciju, a studij podređuju zakonitostima tržišta.

Policija trenira strogoću

“To je autonomna praksa, čija je bit da svatko zna zašto je protiv komercijalizacije, zašto se danas treba boriti“, kaže Gal Kirn, inače član i Delavsko-punkerske univerze i grupe okupljene oko časopisa Agregat. Pitamo ga kako on vidi štetu od privatizacije i komercijalizacije visokog školstva? “Privatizacija je štetna, zbog pretvaranja Univerziteta u poduzeće“, kaže. I nastavlja: “To se pokazuje na više nivoa. Prvi je sa aspekta studenata. Studenti bi trebali početi plaćati školarinu – kada se školarina jednom uvede više nema garancije kako će ona rasti u budućnosti. Uzmemo primjer kanadskog univerziteta u Alberti. Tamo su u nekoliko godina digli tutiton fee iz 500 na 3000 kanadskih dolara, a može se očekivati steady growth. S druge strane, imamo privatizaciju odnosa dekan-profesori. Između njih potpisao bi se jedan kontrakt, ugovor koji bi bio konkretan, a ne kolektivni. U našem slučaju bio bi to ugovor sa Direktorom univerziteta, kojega bi imenovao sam ministar...To je sklisko tlo na kojemu će se odnosi među profesorima još više privatizirati, nego li što su u sadašnjem stanju primjene bolonjske reforme. Da to nije najbolja solucija vidi se na primjeru Velike Britanije gdje je taj proces uznapredovao (za problem vidi http://education.guardian.co.uk/higher/news/story/0,,2120902,00.html ). Tu se ne radi samo o privatizaciji, već ujedno i o novom “podržavljenju“, gdje bi država imala više kontrole nad financijskim tokovima, ali i nad sadržajem nastavnih programa.“ Mladalački idealizam ljubljanskih studenata usmjerio se u raznim pravcima. Najprije, mimohodom kroz centar grada 22. maja, od središta Fakulteta društvenih znanosti, do Ministarstva za visoko školstvo, gdje su ministru obrazovanja Juretu Zupanu htjeli predati svoju izjavu. Pošto je bio odsutan, pročitali su je u auli ministarstva, koju su oblijepili svojim plakatima.

Studenti u zgradi Ministarstva visokog školstva

Rezultat? Policijsko presretanje, višesatno zadržavanje i legitimiranje. Te prekršajne prijave, na kućnu adresu nekih od sudionika, zbog “lijepljenja plakata sa protu-vladinim sadržajem“, te nezanemarivim iznosom novčanih kazni od 250 eura.

Djelo za koje nas se tereti nismo počinili, kaznu nećemo platiti

Eh, da je 1968. milicija bila kao današnja policija, pitanje je kako bi ona izgledala?

Protiv cenzure društva spektakla

Svejedno, aktivnosti su se nastavile. “Kada je zasjedao strateški savjet Vlade o visokom školstvu, na koji studenti naravno nisu bili pozvani, pred zgradom Vlade priredili smo kazališnu predstavu. U njoj smo ironizirali aroganciju vlasti i smijenili ministra Zupana“, govori Andrej.



Happening pred zgradom Vlade 1

Happening pred zgradom Vlade 2

Okrugli stol na Fakultetu za društvene znanosti “Dobrodošli na McUniverzitet“ pokazao je da Avtonomaši nisu jedini nezadovoljnici, samo je netko trebao biti inicijalnom kapislom za artikulaciju stavova. Na tribini nastupaju predstvnici SVIZ-a, ŠOS-a (Študentska organizacija Slovenije), Delavsko-pankerske univerze (alternativni univerzitet, vidi: http://dpu.mirovni-institut.si), dekanica fakulteta...“Naš cilj bio je i na fakultetima uspostaviti komunikaciju između samih studenata i to odozdo. Nije nas zanimao blagoslov aktera kao što su ŠOS, Univerzitet ili političke stranke. No, istina je da kada smo jednom jasno artikulirali naša stajališta i oni su bili prisiljeni priložiti svoju posudicu, te – s knedlom u grlu – poduprijeti naše djelovanje“, nastavlja Andrej. Slijede daljnja zasjedanja, čitanja pisama potpore iz zemlje i svijeta. Između ostalog kolega studenata iz Srbije i Grčke, koji već imaju sličnih iskustava sa demonstracijama. Na međunarodnoj karti studentskog aktivizma Zagreb ne postoji.

Druga izjava AT u kojoj se traži povlačenje spornog zakona, u potpunosti je uspjela. Ministar Zupan je, usprkos Janšinoj podršci, reterirao pred ogorčenom javnosti. Pred ljetni raspust ministar je maknuo oba sporna dokumenta, kako zakon tako i rezoluciju. Prvi zahtjevi AT tako su u potpunosti ostvareni. Stranačke i nestranačke inicijative, kao npr. ona pod imenom Zares, uključile su se u diskusiju o reformi univerziteta, zauzevši se i za interpelaciju i smjenu ministra.

i

Zahtjevi za smjenom ministra Zupana

AT je izvela još nekoliko političkih happeninga, od kojih je najbolje uspio onaj uprizoren 12. juna u auli Cankarjevog doma, gdje je nestranački pokret Zbor za republiko održavao svoju misu potpore desnici, koju su studenti, barem u auli pred početak zatvaranja skupa u dvoranu, u koju ih nisu pustili, uspješno minirali.

Za “opuštenu“ Sloveniju

Punker traži radnika

Ljetna stanka služi studentima za samo-analizu i samo-kritiku u hodu, koju obavljaju na zajedničkoj ljetnoj školi, logorovanju. U svom dijelu studentskih novina “Klin“, koje su, s podnaslovom ŠOVA, što je parodija na para-obavještajnu akciju SOVA Janšine vlade, izdali u suradnji sa spominjanom “velikom“ studentskom organizacijom ŠOS, pobrojali su rezultate. Te razgovarali sa radikalnijim predstavnicima univerzitetske zajednice (vidi: http://www.studentska-org.si/files/2007-06-sova_bw.pdf). Tako je Andrej Kurnik, predavač na Fakultetu društvenih znanosti, i sam aktivist koji proučava talijansku lijevu scenu autonoma, te je više puta bio domaćinom Toniju Negriju u Ljubljani, dao studentima vrijedan savjet: pustite demonstracije i medijski spektakl, jer su njihovi efekti danas kratkog vijeka. Ako nećete da vas medijska javnost potroši kao čudo jednog dana, za jesen spremajte okupacije fakulteta. I dalje: bitka za slobodni univerzitet utoliko je značajnija jer su mediji, na neki način, već pali, a sada se isti scenarij primjenjuje na univerzitet.

Jesen će izgleda biti vruća. “Na nama je da vidimo hoće li nas početni uspjesi uspavati ili ćemo tematiku autonomije dalje razvijati, te otvoriti nove inicijative na nivou pojedinačnih fakulteta. Jer tamo se bije prava bitka za autonomno studentsko organiziranje. Uz to u Soveniji je još nekoliko pitanja koja hitno traže širi angažman, kao što je pitanje izbrisanih, koje ne možemo i ne smijemo zaboraviti“, zaključuje Andrej Pavlišič, koji iza sebe ima aktivističkog staža i u inicijativama za prava migranata, izbrisanih, protiv NATO-a, ratova i militarizacije univerziteta.... Za kraj pitamo Gala Kirna koliko je realno očekivati sinergiju više pokreta čiji je zajednički nazivnik anti-privatizacijsko nastojanje? Ima li u Sloveniji politički djelatne kritike “majke“ svih privatizacija, one privredne i od koga? Poziva li tko, osim na studentsku, i na radničku autonomiju ili barem participaciju? “U Sloveniji nema parlamentarne ljevice“, ponavlja Gal priču o političkom Godotu, a nama zvuči poznato. “Tako da sada prava opozicija i formulacija prave alternative postoji samo izvan parlamenta – u političkoj realnosti sindikata, AT, pokretima...a ta vrlo različita koalicija sila nema neki zajednički program. Na zadnjoj zajedničkoj sjednici napravili smo neki prijedlog za formuliranje “pokreta za očuvanje javne socijale, obrazovanja, zdravstva...“ – zajednički nazivnik je borba protiv privatizacije“.

http://www.zamirzine.net/spip.php?article5099

HAP @ 11:12 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Zimbabwe: Inflation Rockets to 231-Million Percent


Zimbabwe Independent (Harare)
 
   

Zimbabwe's annual inflation raced to a record 231-million percent in July, up from 11,2-million percent the previous month, deepening a severe economic crisis, official figures showed on Thursday.

Central Statistical Office data showed that on a monthly basis, prices shot up by 2 600,2%, compared with 839,3% in June, largely driven by high prices of bread and cereals.

The Southern African nation is in the throes of debilitating economic turmoil, which many Zimbabweans had hoped would ease following a landmark power-sharing deal signed between President Robert Mugabe and Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai last month.

The World Bank says Zimbabwe has the world's fastest shrinking economy for a country not at war.

HAP @ 11:09 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0


Colombian Indians push anti-government protests




POPAYAN, Colombia (CNN) -- Thousands of Colombian Indians plan to protest government policies on Tuesday in the country's second-largest city, marking more than a week of demonstrations against the nation's free-market economic policies.

Indians protest against the government on Tuesday in Medellin in northern Colombia.
Indians protest against the government on Tuesday in Medellin in northern Colombia.

Indian leaders in the mountains of southwest Colombia announced during the weekend they were gathering as many as 20,000 protesters and would begin to march Tuesday on the city of Cali, an industrial and agricultural hub.

At least two Indians have been killed and more than 80 have been injured in the protests, which began October 10 and have included a blockade of the Pan-American highway. The government says as many as 70 security force members, mainly riot police, have also been injured.

During the past week, protesters throwing rocks and firing sling shots, catapults and Molotov cocktails, have clashed with riot police, who fought back with tear gas, rocks and batons.

The Indians also say the security forces have been shooting at them with rifles and canisters packed with shrapnel. President Alvaro Uribe has denied that police and army forces have been using lethal force against demonstrators, but medics say they have treated scores of Indians injured by bullets and shrapnel.

The protesters allege one of their own, 27-year-old Taurino Ramos, was fatally shot in the head by police. The police have made no official comment.

A formal autopsy was not conducted because the Nasa tribe, to which Ramos belonged, opposes autopsies for cultural reasons.

Press photos of Ramos being carried away from the front lines of the clashes showed him bleeding heavily from his head.

Seven Indian tribes in southwest Cauca and Valle del Cauca provinces launched the protests to coincide with the date of October 12, known in the United States as Columbus Day and in much of Latin America as Dia de la Raza, or Day of the (Indian) Race.

Latin America's Indian communities equate the discovery of the Americas by Christopher Columbus in 1492 as the start of the Spanish colonial invasion, which led to millions of Indian deaths in wars and from disease. The Spanish invaders drove the Indian populations off their ancestral lands and deep into jungles and mountains, as they plundered resources, including gold and silver.

Since then, the Indian population has become an ethnic and economic underclass in Colombia and in most of Latin America. They rank among the poorest sectors of society.

The Indians have called for the government to fulfill previous pledges to give more land to Indian reservations, guarantee better health care and education, and to stop big business and multinational companies from encroaching on their lands.

Under the Colombian constitution, all subsoil rights belong "to the nation," which effectively means the government can, and has, granted mining rights to national and multinational corporations on lands claimed by Indians.

The Indians, whose lifestyle and religion is connected closely with preservation of the environment, are bitterly opposed to unrestricted mining in their territory.

"We oppose these types of indiscriminate mining activities allowed under the new mining code," Luis Fernando Arias, secretary general of the National Indigenous Council of Colombia (ONIC), told CNN by telephone.

Indian leaders describe their protest as "anti-capitalist." They see their struggle as another reflection of growing worldwide concern over free market economic policies and financial management, which they say were to blame for the recent meltdown in global stock markets.

"The capitalist system our government imported from the United States is a failure. The world is bankrupt," Aida Quilcue, a protest leader, told CNN.

"This shouldn't just be a fight by the Indians but by everyone in Colombia and across the world who rejects this deadly capitalist model."

About 1.3 million Indians divided among 102 tribes or ethnic groups are living in Colombia, the government estimates.

The government argues the Indians are well provided for with more than 66 million acres of reservations.

But Indian authorities say the statistic is misleading since much of the land is jungle, mountain or swamp -- and protected as an environmental reserve. They say almost 500,000 Indians have no land at all.


Last week, Indian protesters briefly blocked the Pan-American highway, a symbolic target as well as a major trade route for road cargo traveling the length of South America.

The highway was conceived in 1923 as a way to unite the Americas. It runs some 29,000 miles (48,000 kilometers) from Alaska to Patagonia at the southern tip of South America -- broken only for a few miles between Panama and Colombia in a lawless region of thick jungle.



http://edition.cnn.com/2008/WORLD/americas/10/20/colombia.protests/index.html



HAP @ 10:14 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0

Video may show Colombian police firing shots during protest


By Karl Penhaul
CNN
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SANTANDER DE QUILICHAO, COLOMBIA (CNN) -- Colombian riot police may have fired live bullets at Indian protesters, according to a videotape that CNN obtained. The footage comes despite a government pledge that security forces would not do so.

Demonstrators march along the Pan American Highway on Tuesday in Piendamo, Colombia.
Demonstrators march along the Pan American Highway on Tuesday in Piendamo, Colombia.

The tape shows what appear to be riot and regular uniformed police at southwest Colombia's La Maria Indian reservation in a region where thousands of Indians have been protesting since October 10 for greater land rights and against free-market capitalism.

Filmed by an Indian protester, the video appears to show a man in an olive green uniform and ski mask raise an M-16 assault rifle, standard issue for some Colombian police units, and fire three shots, though the target is unclear.

Police commanders said they would investigate after CNN showed them the tape. They said police are under orders not to open fire with live bullets. Video Watch as a uniformed man apparently raises a rifle and fires it »

Indian leaders said five Indians were wounded in shootings Thursday, the day the video was taken. CNN obtained the video Tuesday and did not see the alleged casualties. Neither the police nor the government is keeping tally of the protesters wounded.

President Alvaro Uribe denied accusations this week that security forces have fired at demonstrators during the burgeoning protests by Indians who want more land, better education and health care and protection from corporations encroaching on their land.

The demonstrations have spawned violent clashes between authorities and protesters, armed in some cases with slingshots and Molotov cocktails.

At least four protesters have been killed, including two on Tuesday, and at least 130 have been injured, Indian leaders said. Medics said they have treated scores for gunshot and shrapnel wounds. The government said as many as 70 security force members, mainly riot police, have been hurt.

In a TV address this week, Uribe repeated assertions by top police officers that protesters may have been carrying weapons and homemade explosives -- and that they may have wounded and even killed their own comrades.

The video that CNN obtained was shot Thursday, according to the activist who filmed it. The footage shows a recognizable building known to be at La Maria reservation.

CNN showed the video clip to Col. Jorge Enrique Cartagena, national commander of the Colombian riot police, known as the Mobile Anti-Disturbance Squad. He and other police officials in Bogota said they would investigate.

"We will investigate to see what police officer fired that gun because orders are not to open fire," he said. "Riot cops are the only ones authorized to fire, and they must only use gas grenades."

Cartagena said police rifles were not capable of firing rubber bullets. He said the rifles could fire blanks, but he said blank rounds were not used to quell riots and he had not given any orders that they should be used. He said percussion grenades, not blank shots, were used to stun and frighten protesters.

Cartagena also is investigating shootings that killed two protesters Tuesday along the Pan-American Highway, a main trade route in South America. Two men were shot to death near Villarica, a town in the southwestern Colombia province of Cauca.

They were both shot in the back and head, according to police, a government human rights ombudsman and a CNN reporter who saw one of the corpses. Five others were wounded, peasant leaders said.

Protesters said police fired on the men as about 200 peasant farmers and Indians tried to join a much larger group marching toward Cali, the nation's second-largest city.

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Cartagena said protesters attacked police with homemade explosives and that one man died after other demonstrators opened fire.

"We think he was shot from within the crowd, and they're doing that to whip up anger," he said.

http://www.bloger.hr/default.aspx?q=single&type=blog&action=add&object=blog

HAP @ 10:11 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
srijeda, listopad 22, 2008
Metropolitan
Protest Against Increased Price of DU Admission Forms

Police baton-charge activists of Pragotishil Chhatra Jote to disperse them as they tried to stop the sale of admission forms at banks on the Dhaka University campus in protest against the increased price of forms. Photo: STAR
At least 10 leaders and activists of Pragotishil Chhatra Jote (PCJ), an alliance of left-leaning student organisations, were injured in police action when they tried to stop selling of admission forms at banks on the campus of Dhaka University (DU) protesting the increased price.

The injured are Biplob Mandal, DU unit general secretary of Samajtantrik Chhatra Front (SCF), Hasan Iqbal Sajib, Avino Kibria, Abu Toab Apu and Masud of Bangladesh Chhatra Union, Sohan Sobhan of Bangladesh Chhatra Oikya Forum and Sohel of SCF.

They received treatment from DU medical centre and Dhaka Medical College and Hospital.

Eyewitness said police beat the students up with rifles and batons when they tried to stop selling admission forms for first-year honours courses at the Janata Bank of the Teacher-Student Centre (TSC) at around 10.00am.

The PCJ started demonstration on the campus when the university authorities in September fixed the price of admission form at Tk 300. Last year the price was Tk 250.

PCJ leaders on Saturday submitted a memorandum to DU Vice-chancellor Prof SMA Faiz demanding cancellation of the increased price of admission form.

At a press conference on the same day, they also vowed to stop selling admission form if their demands were not met.

But the university authorities did not reduce the price of admission form.

So as per their scheduled programme, several hundred PCJ leaders and activists tried to stop selling of admission forms at three banks on the campus in the morning and fell victims to police action.

Officer-in-charge of Shahbagh Police Station Rezaul Karim told The Daily Star that they did not go for any kind of charges as the students just tried to resist them from entering the banks.

However, following the clash PCJ men took position in front of Janata Bank at TSC and Agrani Bank at Curzon Hall to press home their demand.

The sale of admission form remained suspended for four hours as the students laid siege to the banks.

Applicants and guardians were seen waiting for the form hours after hours in front of the banks.

Jannatul Ferdous, who came from Gazipur to buy a form of Gha unit, expressed her dissatisfaction over the harassment saying the university authorities and the student leaders could have solved the issue earlier.

Later at around 2.00pm, the PCJ men withdrew the siege after getting assurance from the vice-chancellor that the income from the increased price of the forms would be spent for students' welfare and the authorities would not increase the price in near future.

In the afternoon, Prof Faiz told the reporters that the university authorities increased the price of admission form as the dean offices concerned reported that it is necessary to conduct the admission process properly.

"We increased the price of admission forms after 10 years. This means we never impose any charges on students without any justifiable reason," he said, adding that he does not see any reasons for increasing the price of admission form in near future.

Additional police were deployed in front of the three banks during the whole day.

http://thedailystar.net/story.php?nid=59528
HAP @ 20:39 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
20.10.2008

Crkvena desetina

Autor: Slobodna Dalmacija

Država Katoličkoj crkvi svake godine daje oko 300 milijuna kuna, ali Vlada pored toga na račun klera u Hrvatskoj i Bosni zna uplatiti godišnje i do sedamdeset milijuna kuna
Zanimljivo je da HDZ-ova Vlada odluke o uplatama Crkvi donosi tajno, na zatvorenim sjednicama Vlade, primjerice kada je prije izbora Crkvi donirano 71 milijun kuna, a javnost o tome nije bila obaviještena.

No, to nije sve - gradovi, općine i županije u Dalmaciji Katoličkoj crkvi, dodatno iz gradskih proračuna, uplaćuju desetke milijuna kuna, a novac odlazi na crkvene veselice, gradnju crkava, malonogometne turnire, plaćanje hodočašća i putovanja svećenicima i vjernicima...

Istražili smo koliko zaista Dalmacija izdvaja za potrebe Katoličke crkve.

Grad Vrgorac je od 2005. godine do danas župama na svom području uplatio milijun kuna, a gradonačelnik Željko Pervan napominje da je novac utrošen na obnovu, sanaciju i izgradnju crkvenih objekata, te za crkvene manifestacije. Grad Hvar u istom je razdoblju uplatio milijun i 239 tisuća, dok drugim vjerskim zajednicama nisu uplatili ni kunu.
Novac samo katolicima

Grad Šibenik od 2005. godine do danas također nije uplatio nikakav novac drugim vjerskim zajednicama, dok su Katoličkoj crkvi donirali milijun i 200 tisuća kuna. Grad Benkovac je u 2005., 2006. i 2007. godini za Crkvu dao 424 tisuće kuna, a novac su uplaćivali izravno župnim uredima.

Grad Kaštela je za obnovu crkvenih objekata od 2005. godine do danas izdvojio čak dva milijuna i 700 tisuća kuna, a Grad Metković, ističe gradski tajnik Tonći Jerković, u istom razdoblju izdvojio je oko 700 tisuća kuna. Metkovčani su, kaže tajnik, novac dali za izgradnju i obnovu crkvenih objekata i organizaciju crkvenih svečanosti.

Grad Ploče je od 2005. do danas izdvojio oko 400 tisuća kuna, a Grad Omiš milijun i 800 tisuća kuna. No, najveći donator Crkve u Dalmaciji sigurno je Grad Zadar koji je od početka 2005. godine do danas dao čak osam milijuna kuna, ali, za razliku od ostalih gradova, Zadrani ističu kako taj novac odlazi Caritasu, pučkoj kuhinji, te oni, napominju, ne daju novac za crkvene veselice, kao ostali gradovi u Dalmaciji.

Grad Solin je, ističe gradonačelnik Blaženko Boban, u 2005., 2006., 2007. i 2008. godini za adaptaciju i izgradnju vjerskih objekata dao dva milijuna i 800 tisuća kuna, a udrugama koje djeluju pri župnim uredima donirali su 90 tisuća kuna. Zanimljivo je da u Gradu Splitu, kažu u uredu gradonačelnika, nemaju predviđeno financiranje ni za jednu vjersku zajednicu.

Jedino što je Split dao za Katoličku crkvu, kažu, 300 je tisuća kuna za obnovu zvonika crkve sv. Križa u Varošu. U Gradu Dubrovniku su crkvi donirali 550 tisuća kuna u zadnjih nekoliko godina, a ističu da su dali i 100 tisuća kuna za obnovu pravoslavne crkve.

Splitsko-dalmatinska županija također daje velike iznose Crkvi, pa su tako od 2005. godine do danas donirali oko šest milijuna kuna. Kad smo upitali na što odlazi taj veliki iznos, odgovaraju da je novac odobren za gradnju i uređenje crkava i župnih ureda, a Županija je financirala hodočašća vjernika i crkvene proslave.

Zanimljivo je da Županija niti jednu kunu nije izdvojila za druge vjerske zajednice, ali je zato doznačila novac katoličkim župama u BiH. Dubrovačko-neretvanska županija, kako nam je kazala županica Mira Buconić, za Crkvu je dala milijun i 400 tisuća kuna od 2005. godine do danas, uz napomenu kako će se taj iznos do kraja ove godine, rebalansom proračuna, i povećati. Od 2005. do 2007. godine Zadarska županija je crkvi donirala milijun i 200 tisuća kuna.
HAP @ 19:17 |Komentiraj | Komentari: 0
 
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